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JULIUS C^SAR 



WITH INTRODUCTION, NOTES, 
AND QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW 



Adapted from the Wood and Syms-Wood 
"Oxford and Cambridge Edition" 



BY 

F. A. PURCELL, D.D. 

RECTOR, CATHEDRAL COLLEGE, CHICAGO 

AND 

L. M. SOMERS, M.A. 

PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH, CATHEDRAL COLLEGE 




SCOTT, FORESMAN AND COMPANY 

CHICAGO NEW YORK 



1 






Copyright 1916 
By F. A. Purcell and L. M. Somers 



us 



JAN 26 \m 
©CU420520 



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CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Preface " 

Introduction 

I. Narrative of Shakespeare 's Life 7 

II. Shakespeare 's Eeligion 10 

III. Shakespeare 's Learning 14 

IV. The Drama I 7 

V. Bepresentation of the Drama in Shakespeare's Time 19 

VI. Construction of the Drama "Julius C^sar" 21 

VII. Structure of the Play 23 

VIII. Two Views of the Play 24 

IX. Points of Contrast 26 

X. Source of the Play 26 

XI. The Title of the Play 28 

XII. On Characterization 29 

XIII. Character Interpretation 30 

XIV. Characters of the Play 31 

XV. Historical Introduction in Connection with Eoman 

History 58 

XVI. Eoman Titles 67 

XVII. Abstract of the Play 68 

Chronology of the Play 72 

Text 73 

Notes 164 

Grammatical Notes I 73 

Versification 181 

Variants and Proposed Emendations 185 

The Forum and Its Surroundings 186 

Cautions and Hints for Paraphrasing 187 

Questions for Eeview I8 9 

Glossary 201 



PREFACE 

This series of Shakespeare's plays, which includes The 
Merchant of Venice, Julius Ccesar, Macbeth, and Hamlet, is 
based mainly on the Oxford and Cambridge editions of Spils- 
bury, and Marshall and Wood. The present Editors have found 
it expedient to eliminate certain passages in the text, as well as 
to make some changes of matter and form in the editorial work, 
deemed necessary for American schools. The Introduction con- 
tains a Biographical Sketch of Shakespeare, a short account of 
the History of the Drama, brief references to the Sources of the 
Play, to the Characters, to Versification, to the Grammar of 
Shakespeare, etc. The annotated words are printed in italic 
type and the notes and word equivalents are given in the margin 
in juxtaposition with the text for the convenience of the student. 
The Glossary and many of the Notes have been rewritten, con- 
densed, or amplified, as the case required, and the Classical and 
Biblical Allusions have been included in the Notes and Glossary. 
An abstract of the play has been supplied in Hamlet and in The 
Merchant of Venice. Some unimportant and apocryphal matter 
has been omitted. The section on Shakespearean Grammar will 
be found convenient for those who may have difficulty in classi- 
fying many Shakespearean expressions, and the Questions for 
Review will be of advantage to both teacher and pupil, by saving 
time for the one, and by assigning specific work to the other. 



INTRODUCTION 



William Shakespeare, the greatest of English dramatic poets, 
was born at Stratford-on-Avon, "Warwickshire, England, on 
April 23, 1564. His father, John Shakespeare, was of the yeoman 
class. He had been a successful Warwickshire farmer, but he 
adopted the trade of glover on his removal to Stratford in 1553. 
There he soon became an important factor in municipal affairs, 
and by ability and industry he rapidly arose from one position 
of trust to another, until finally, in 1568, he became high 
bailiff or mayor of the town. Shakespeare 's mother, Mary Arden, 
was of an old Warwickshire family, and though she inherited 
"lands and houses' ' she had no education. 

John and Mary Shakespeare had eight children — four sons 
and four daughters. William, the third child, was the eldest 
son. Of his infancy and boyhood we know practically nothing. 
It is probable, however, that at the age of seven he entered the 
grammar school of Stratford, where he learned the rudiments 
of Latin, English grammar, writing, arithmetic, and probably a 
little Greek. His years at school were not many, for the 
declining fortunes of his father compelled the boy to seek 
employment when he was but thirteen years of age. After this 
we hear little or nothing about him until the time of his marriage, 
which probably took place in December, 1582. His wife, Ann 
Hathaway, of whom the boy-poet admiringly wrote 

Ann Hathaway, she hath a way 

To charm all hearts, Ann Hathaway, 

does not seem to have long exerted that charm over her young 
husband. At the time of their union he was little more than 

7 



3 JULIUS CAESAR 



eighteen, while she had attained the more mature age of twenty- 
six. This marriage, like most marriages of its kind, did not 
prove a happy one. 

If a small amount of reliable tradition can be winnowed from 
the chaff of fiction with which the memory of Shakespeare's 
boyhood days at Stratford is surrounded, we may give credence 
to the tales regarding his youthful follies and escapades. Of the 
latter but one may be mentioned as having a direct bearing 
upon his whole career. We are told that among other pro- 
hibited practices of the time he took part in poaching expedi- 
tions, during one of which he was caught stealing deer from the 
estate of Sir Thomas Lucy of Charlecote. The punishment for 
this offense in those days was a fine and imprisonment. Sir 
Thomas, being Justice of the Peace for that district, acted as 
"judge, jury, and executioner" in the case of the young Shake- 
speare, who bitterly resented the punishment meted out to him. 
In revenge, we are told, he wrote the scurrilous lampoon 
beginning 

A parliament member, a justice of peace, 
At home a poor scarecrow, etc. 

and posted it on the gate to Charlecote Manor. 

This naturally aroused Sir Thomas to further reprisals, and 
Shakespeare, to avoid his vengeance fled to London in 1585. 
Verification of the poaching tradition may be found in 2 Henry 
IV and in The Merry Wives of Windsor, where Lucy is carica- 
tured as "Justice Shallow." The three luces or pikes, in the 
Lucy coat-of-arms, apparently suggested the "dozen white luces" 
in The Merry Wives of Windsor, and the many allusions to 
poaching found in the context are none the less significant. 

Before the poet's departure for London, three children were 
born to him — Susanna, the eldest, in May, 1583, and Hamnet and 
Judith, twins, in February, 1585. On his flight, the immediate 
support of these children is supposed to have devolved upon his 



INTBODTJCTION 9 



mother-in-law, Mrs. Hathaway, of Shottery, then a widow in 
affluent circumstances. 

Tradition says that Shakespeare's first employment in Lon- 
don was holding horses at theater doors, and doing odd jobs 
for theater goers. Be this as it may, we soon find him employed 
as prompter's attendant, whose duty it was to notify the actors 
when it was their turn to appear upon the stage, etc., and 
later we find him filling minor parts in the plays. Gradually 
he worked his way into more important positions. During 
these first few years he must have devoted considerable time 
to reading, as a preparation for the wonderful works he was 
afterwards to produce. He recast and revised many old plays, 
began the production of original dramas, and acted some of 
the leading roles in his own plays. In company with William 
Kempe and Richard Burbage he made a successful appearance 
before Queen Elizabeth at Greenwich Palace in 1594. He acted 
before her again at Whitehall in 1596, at Richmond and White- 
hall in 1600, four times at Whitehall in 1601-02, and at Rich- 
mond Palace in 1603, a month before her death. In 1603 he 
fell under the favorable notice of King James I., who granted 
him and his company a license to play in London and the sur- 
rounding provinces. Later he appeared at court on several occa- 
sions, and in 1604 he marched in the royal train when James 
made' his formal passage from the tower to Westminster. On 
this occasion he and each of his companions received four and 
one-half yards of scarlet silk, the usual dress allowance of court 
actors in those days. It is quite evident that as an actor Shake- 
speare was much more successful, financially, than as a play- 
Whatever may have been Shakespeare's youthful follies and 
extravagances, in later life he became not only a great poet, but 
he also developed the instincts of a shrewd business man. 
Through his acting and the sale of his plays he accumulated a 
respectable fortune, with part of which he purchased some 



10 JULIUS OffiSAB 



valuable property in London and elsewhere. After an absence 
of eleven years he returned to Stratford in 1596, to bury his 
only son, Hamnet.* 

At Stratford Shakespeare invested considerable money in 
houses and lands, and obtained from the government the dis- 
tinction of a coat-of-arms, but he did not take up his residence 
there until 1616. In this year he abandoned dramatic composi- 
tion and began to enjoy, in his beautiful home at Stratford, 
a well deserved and and much needed rest. At the beginning of 
this year, however, his health began to fail rapidly and by 
April his end was near. The actual cause of his death is 
unknown, but it is generally admitted that overwork, and a not 
too submissive obedience to the laws of health, hastened an 
all too early dissolution. He died on the fifty-second anniver- 
sary of his birth, April 23, 1616, and was buried inside the 
chancel of Stratford church. On his tomb was inscribed the 
following epitaph: 

Good frend for Jesus' sake forbeare 
To digg the dust encloased heare, 
Blese be ye man yt spares thes stones, 
And curst be he yt moves my bones. 

ii. Shakespeare's religion 

The question of Shakespeare's religion has been long, and 
sometimes furiously, debated. Many eminent writers incline to 
the belief that he was a Roman Catholic, while many others, 
equally eminent, maintain that he was a Protestant. At the risk 
of being considered partisan the editors have decided to insert 
the following rather lengthy extract from the pen of the dis- 
tinguished litterateur and scientist, James J. Walsh, M.D., L.H.D. 

* The direct line of Shakespeare's family became extinct a little over fifty years 
after the poet's death. Judith married Thomas Quiney, of Stratford. The off- 
spring of this marriage — three boys — died before reaching the age of manhood. 
Susanna married Dr. Hall, and of their union was born Elizabeth, the only 
granddaughter of the poet. Elizabeth married Thomas Nash, who died leaving no 
children. She then married John Barnard, who was afterwards knighted by 
Charles II. Lady Barnard died childless in 1669, and thus the immediate family 
of Shakespeare became extinct. 



INTRODUCTION H 



This extract they hope will be instructive to many Catholics, 
and interesting, at least, to some who are not Catholics : 

There is no doubt that Shakespeare 's mother lived and died a 
Catholic. Her name was Mary Arden, and many of the Ardens 
continued to be staunch Catholics even during the dangers of 
Elizabeth's reign. Indeed, one of the prominent members of 
the family suffered death for the faith. Shakespeare's mother, 
moreover, made a will in which there is a mention of the Blessed 
Virgin, a custom that had gone out of vogue in England at this 
time except among Catholics. Shakespeare's father, too, is on 
the list of Stratford recusants who were summoned by the court 
for not attending the Anglican service on Sundays. Shake- 
speare's immediate surroundings, likewise, were distinctly 
Catholic, for the spirit of the old religion had not died as yet in 
England. Indeed, it was very much alive in the central portion 
of the country. 

It is sometimes said, however, that there can be no question of 
Shakespeare 's being a Catholic, for he was married, baptized, and 
buried in the Anglican Church. But these facts, it must be 
remembered, have in themselves no such significance as they 
would possess at the present time. There was no way of having 
the birth of a child properly registered then in England except 
by having it baptized in the church by law established. Obse- 
quies also had to be observed according to the Anglican rite, 
for the only cemetery was close to the parish church. As for 
Shakespeare's marriage, in recent years the interesting sugges- 
tion has been made that the real reason for the circumstances 
attending the ceremony, which are supposed to carry a hint of 
scandal with them, is because he was originally married by a 
Catholic priest. As it was then very perilous for a priest to 
show himself in public or to perform any official church service, 
the marriage was, of course, performed secretly. Anne Hath- 
away 's family, moreover, was Catholic by tradition, and about 
the time of the marriage it is known that a priest, not entirely 
without the knowledge of the local authorities, used to say Mass 
privately, in the loft of one of the houses at Shottery. 

But if Shakespeare was a Catholic should not his plays show 
it? Unquestionably. And I maintain they do. Commentators 
have pointed out, for instance, that Shakespeare in Romeo and 
Juliet follows Arthur Brooke's Tragical History of Romeo and 



12 JULIUS CAESAR 



Juliet very closely. He has, however, changed the whole of the 
play's attitude toward the Catholic Church. Confession instead 
of being a source of sin actually protects the young people from 
their own passion in the most difficult circumstances, and almost 
succeeds in rescuing them from an unfortunate complication. 
Instead of being "superstitious," Friar Lawrence is pictured 
as a dear old man interested in his plants and what they can 
do for mankind, but interested still more in human souls, trying 
to care for them and quite willing to do everything that he can, 
even risking the displeasure of two noble nouses rather than 
have the young people commit sin. Friar Lawrence is repre- 
sented in general as one to whom Komeo and Juliet would nat- 
urally turn in their difficulty. 

But King John, it is maintained, represents an altogether 
different attitude toward the Church. In that play they assert 
there are passages which make it very clear that Shakespeare 
shares the general feeling of the men of England in his time. 
King John protests, for example : 

That no Italian priest 
Shall tithe or toll in our dominions. 
But as we, under heaven, are supreme head, 
So under Him that great supremacy, 
Where we do reign, we will alone uphold, 
Without the assistance of a mortal hand: 
So tell the Pope, all reverence set apart 
To him and his usurp 'd authority. 

In this play, too, there are some bitter comments on monks 
which would seem to prove that Shakespeare shared the opinions 
of many of his contemporaries regarding monasticism. But let 
us see: The Troublesome Reign of King John, from which 
Shakespeare made his play, was probably written in the year of 
the Spanish Armada when English national feeling ran very 
high and there was bitter antagonism against Catholicism as the 
religion of England's greatest enemies. The dramatist — we are 
not quite sure who it was — shrewdly took advantage of this 
political situation in order to gain favor for his play. He tickled 
the ears of the groundlings and attracted popular attention by 
stimulating the prejudice of his audience. Shakespeare modified 
all this to a very marked extent when he rewrote the play seven 
years later, though it can be seen that he used many of the words 
of the original version and was evidently following it very 



INTEODUCTION 13 



closely. But for some good reason he was manifestly minimizing 
all the anti-Catholic bias in it though letting stand whatever 
sentiments were suitable for such characters as King John and 
his entourage. In the matter of monks and nuns and their treat- 
ment in the original version of King John, Shakespeare has been 
even more drastic in the changes that he made. 

But the best evidence of Shakespeare's attitude toward the 
Anglican Church is to be found in King Henry VIII. , one of the 
poet's greatest plays and the last he wrote. Some of the Wolsey 
speeches in it are the finest examples of English that were ever 
penned. It is conceded by all the critics to be the ripest fruit of 
his mature years. Therefore, if a play can be considered the 
expression of Shakespeare's settled opinion, that play is Henry 
VIII. Now it so happens that the subject of Henry VIII. is 
exactly the story of how the change of religion came about in 
England. But it is sometimes urged that the fifth act, with its 
culmination in the birth of Elizabeth, and the high prospects 
for England and the rejoicings which this occasions, indicates 
that the writer considered that the marriage of King Henry to 
Anne Boleyn and the birth of a daughter by that union marked 
a great epoch in English history and, above all, that the steps 
that led to this happy termination, though dramatically blame- 
worthy, must be condoned owing to their happy consequences. 
It is well known, however, that the fifth act by every test known 
to Shakespearean commentators was not written by Shakespeare 
at all, but by Fletcher. 

Our knowledge of Shakespeare's relations with people in 
London would indicate that a great many of his friends and 
intimates were Catholics. It is possible that the Burbages, the 
actors with whom he was so closely joined during most of his 
dramatic career, belonged to the Warwickshire Catholic family 
of that name. One of Shakespeare's dearest friends, the Earl of 
Southampton, who was his patron in early years, and his sup- 
porter when he bought the Blackfriars theater, was closely allied 
to a Catholic family and, as Simpson has pointed out, was 
cradled in Catholic surroundings. 

The conversion of Ben Jonson about the middle of the last 
decade of the sixteenth century showed how easily men might 
be Catholics in London at this time. Ben Jonson was in the 
Marshalsea prison on a charge of murder in 1594 and found 



14 JULIUS CAESAR 



himself surrounded by priests who were charged with treason 
because of their refusal to take the oath of supremacy. By asso- 
ciating with them Jonson became a Catholic and when released 
from prison married a Catholic wife. His child was baptized 
Mary, and Shakespeare was chosen as her sponsor. This choice 
of a godfather seems to indicate that Shakespeare was a Catholic 
at this time for, in his ardor as a new convert, Ben Jonson would 
scarcely have selected an Anglican for that office. 

One more proof of Shakespeare 's Catholicism in conclusion : 
About the close of the seventeenth century Archdeacon Davies, 
who was a local historian and antiquarian in the neighboring 
county of Staffordshire, but who was well acquainted with Strat- 
ford and its history, and who could easily have had very definite 
sources of information denied to us, declared that Shakespeare 
1 ' dyed a papist. ' ' It would have been perfectly possible, it must 
be remembered, for Archdeacon Davies to have spoken with 
people who knew Shakespeare during the years that the poet 
spent in Stratford at the end of his life. After this review of 
the evidence I can not but conclude that Shakespeare not only 
"dyed a papist," but also lived as one. 

Leaving those, to whom these lines may be of interest, to 
make their own deductions, the editors accept the conclusions of 
the distinguished Jesuit, Herbert Thurston, who, in discussing 
this point in the Catholic Encyclopedia, maintains that there 
is no real ground for the belief that Shakespeare either lived 
or died a Catholic. Thurston concludes his able study of this 
question by stating, ' ' The point must remain forever uncertain. ' ' 

in. Shakespeare's learning 

Of Shakespeare 's learning it may be said that though classical 
quotations and allusions are numerous throughout his works, 
Ben Jonson credits him with "small Latin and less Greek." 
"His quotations from Latin literature are such as a schoolboy 
might make from Virgil, Ovid, and the other authors he had 
studied; and his allusions to classical history and mythology 
are mostly from the same sources, or from the familiar stock in 
English books of the period." (Rolfe.) In comparing Shake- 



INTBODUCTION 15 



speare with the dramatists of his time, Jasper Mayne, writing in 
1637, mentions him as one of those who did his work "without 
Latin helps"; and Mayne 's contemporary, Ramsey, in compli- 
menting Ben Jonson on his knowledge of the classical languages, 
says that he (Jonson) 

could command 
That which your Shakespeare could scarce understand. 

Yet we are told that Shakespeare's work is "Art without art, 
unparalleled as yet," and though he borrowed nothing from 
Latin or Greek, his Julius Caesar ravished the audience, 

When some new day they would not brook a line 

Of tedious (though well labour >d) Catiline, 

and Jonson 's "Sejanus too was irksome." In Fuller's Worthies 
we find the following reference to Shakespeare: "He was an 
eminent instance of the truth of that rule, Poeta non fit, sed 
nascitur — one is not made but born a poet. Indeed his learning 
was very little . . . nature itself was all the art which was 
used on him. . . . The wit combats between him and Ben 
Jonson, which two I behold like a Spanish great galleon and an 
English man-of-war. Master Jonson (like the former) was built 
far higher in learning; solid but slow in his performances: 
Shakespeare, like the English man-of-war, lesser in bulk and 
lighter in sailing, could turn with all tides, tack about, and take 
advantage of all winds, by the quickness of his wit and inven- 
tion." Dryden in his Essay on Dramatic Poesy (1668), says: 
"Those who accuse him to have wanted learning, give him the 
greater commendation ; he needed not the spectacles of books to 
read nature ; he looked inwards and found her there : ' ' and in 
the same author's prologue to Julius Cazsar we find, 

So in this Caesar which today we see, 

Tully ne'er spoke as he makes Antony. 

Those then that tax his learning are to blame; 

He knew the thing, but did not know the name. 

Great Jonson did that ignorance adore, 

And tho* he envied much, admired him more. 



16 



JULIUS CAESAR 



The material for his historical plays he obtained from 
Holinshed and Plutarch, and in the use of these rather unre- 
liable authorities he makes many unscholarly mistakes. 

During his mature years and in the time of his prosperity, 
he brought out his best works. Some writers credit him with the 
authorship of forty-three plays of a dramatic character. Seven 
of these are considered spurious. Thirty-three known to be his 
are divided as follows : 



The Taming of the Shrew 
The Merchant of Venice 
All's Well that Ends Well 
Much Ado About Nothing 
Measure for Measure 
The Comedy of Errors 
Twelfth Night 
Midsummer -Night 's Dream 
As You Like It 
Cymbeline 

Two Gentlemen of Verona 
The Merry Wives of Windsor 
Love 's Labor 's Lost 

The Winter's Tale 
The Tempest 

Timon of Athens 

Pericles 

Julius Csesar 

Antony and Cleopatra 

Coriolanus 

Hamlet 

Troilus and Cressida 

Romeo and Juliet 
Othello 

King Lear 
Macbeth 

King John 

King Richard the Second 

1 and 2 King Henry the Fourth 

King Henry the Fifth 

1, 2, 3 King Henry the Sixth 

Richard the Third 

Henry the Eighth 



Italian Origin 



V Classical (from Plautus) 
^Mediaeval Sources 



Legendary 
Spanish Origin 
English Origin 
French Origin 

[►Origin Unknown 



Classical Origin 
.(Plutarch's Lives, 
North) 



^Mediaeval Origin 



Comedies 



by 



} 



Italian Origin 

"1 Origin — Legendary 
r History of Britain 



Origin — Holinshed & Hall 



Tragedies 



Chronicle 
Plays 



INTRODUCTION 17 



Besides these he wrote one hundred and fifty-four Sonnets 
and some Narrative Poems. 

IV. THE DRAMA 

A lengthy discussion of the drama cannot be conveniently 
introduced into a text of this kind ; therefore, the chief heads only 
will be touched upon. Drama is a Greek term signifying action, 
and in its application it comprehends all forms of literature 
proper for presentation on the stage. In the drama, actors 
usually tell a story by means of word and action. This story 
may be tragic or comic; — tragic when the serious phases of life 
are discussed, comic when life's follies and foibles are depicted. 
Other phases of the drama which do not, strictly speaking, come 
under the heading tragedy or comedy, are the Greek Satyrs, the 
Morality Plays of the Middle Ages, the Pastoral Plays of the 
Renaissance, and the Melodramas still in vogue. 

Although the drama was well established in the remote ages 
in India and China, the earliest examples of pure dramatic art 
are to be found in Greece. From the sacred songs and choruses 
in honor of the god Dionysius, the Greeks in time evolved a form 
of drama, the chief features of which, even in its highest stages 
of development, were lyric or choral. To Aeschylus, Sophocles, 
Euripides, and Aristophanes, in the fifth century, and to 
Menander at a later period, the Greek drama owes its greatness 
and its influence in ancient and in modern dramatic literature. 

The Roman drama, as it has come down to us in the works 
of Terence, Plautus, and Seneca, is but a slightly modified form 
of Menander, and shows some traces of the influence of Aeschylus 
and other dramatists of his time. This modification, in the 
comedies of Plautus at least, was not for the betterment of the 
drama; on the contrary, it was a concession to the depraved 
taste of his Roman audience. Unfortunately, Plautus' travesties 
of the old Greek masters later served as models for the dramatic 
writers of the Renaissance, and his influence is felt even to the 



18 JULIUS (LESAR 



present day. Modern tragedy, generally speaking, is a direct 
offspring of the works of Seneca. Toward the close of the Roman 
Empire, the theaters became the scenes of the most degraded 
exhibitions of indecency and debauchery. Christianity attacked 
these indecencies and drove the mimes from their haunts of 
infamy into the streets and byways of Rome and its environs. 
These mimes practiced their mimicry in the villages and cross- 
roads, and became the models for the strolling players of the 
middle ages. 

Christianity, however, recognized the necessity of the drama 
as a humanizing influence, and though years elapsed before its 
restoration as drama proper, the leaders of the new religion set 
about the substitution of wholesome Christian plays for the 
Roman indecencies to which they had recently given the death 
blow. The Scriptures and the liturgy of the church were rich 
stores from which were drawn the materials for the Mystery, 
the Morality, and the Miracle Plays. After a time these exhibi- 
tions passed from the control of churchmen into the hands of 
the Guilds. Under the management of the Guilds these plays 
soon lost their religious aspect, and before the end of the fifteenth 
century they had been completely divorced from church in- 
fluence, and were ready to be destroyed or absorbed by the spirit 
of the New Learning. This destruction or absorption, however, 
was not accomplished without a struggle. The leaders of the 
Renaissance advocated the complete dominance of classic in- 
fluence in the reconstruction of the drama, while the Mediaeval- 
ists strenuously advocated the perpetuation of the Mystery, 
Morality, and Miracle Plays. Of this travail, however, was born 
the modern drama. 

Italy, France, Germany, England, and Scandinavia contrib- 
uted largely to the formation of the modern drama, but prac- 
tically all the dramatic writers of these countries have been in- 
fluenced by the Greek and Roman masters. These masters have 
been slavishly imitated by all but a few of their pupils. This 



INTRODUCTION 19 



is especially true in the matter of composition and technique. 
The observance of the unities, the harmony of rhyme, the smooth- 
ness of rhythm, the maintenance of the chorus, the number and 
character of the dramatis personae, etc., were classic restrictions, 
which, to a certain extent, have stultified the higher and broader 
aspirations of many a dramatic genius. Among those who 
rebelled against these restrictions, in so far as they affected the 
English drama, were some of the immediate predecessors of 
Shakespeare — Marlowe, Kyd, Green, and Lyly. These men 
opened the way for the sweeping innovations of Shakespeare, 
and for the half-hearted adoption of these innovations by Ben 
Jonson, who often apologized to his contemporaries for his 
temerity in disregarding the unities and other classic formulae. 
Since Shakespeare 's time, or what is known as the period of 
the Elizabethan drama, no English dramatic literature, worthy 
of comparison with the work of that great master, has appeared. 
During the reign of James I., Massinger, Middleton, Shirley, and 
others wrote, but their art was only a weak imitation of their 
masters, Marlowe and Shakespeare. Addison, Steele, Goldsmith, 
Wordsworth, Coleridge, Byron, Shelley, Tennyson, and others, 
have sought recognition on the dramatic stage, but with little 
or no success. So far America has produced nothing of a 
dramatic nature worthy of recognition, and judging from the 
dominance of the light, frivolous, vaudeville performances on the 
English and American stages, the drama as a popular entertain- 
ment has been laid to rest, and the day of its resurrection seems 
far distant. 



V. THE REPRESENTATION OF THE DRAMA IN SHAKESPEARE 'S TIME 

The staging of the drama in Shakespeare's time was a very 
different matter from what it is today. The primitive theaters, 
or theatrical inns, were rude wooden structures, usually circular 
in form, with a covered stage and covered galleries, and an open 



20 JULIUS CJESAR 



pit exposed to the vicissitudes of wind and weather. These crude 
structures were usually located outside the city walls, and be- 
yond the jurisdiction of the city authorities, for, at that time, 
all theatrical representations were held in disfavor by the Puri- 
tanical leaders in church and state. The gallants of the town 
occupied the stage with the players, and delighted in chaffing and 
interrupting the actors with irrelevant puns and clownish 
mimicry. The middle classes occupied the galleries and often 
enjoyed the spontaneous sallies of wit and repartee between the 
gallants and the players more than they enjoyed the play itself. 
The "tag-rag," or what then might have been regarded as we 
regard our present-day "gallery gods," occupied the pit, and 
when not dodging the not infrequent missiles hurled from the 
stage, or the snow or rain from the open firmament, they could 
appreciate a good comedy or a real drama as well as could the 
more favored occupants of the reserved places. The stage had 
no scenery, that being first introduced by Davenant after the 
Restoration. There were no rise and fall of a curtain to mark 
the opening and close of a scene. The entrance to the stage was 
strewn with rushes instead of being carpeted; the walls were 
hung with arras; a large board with names painted on it indi- 
cated where the scenes of the play being produced were laid. 
For tragedies the walls were hung with black tapestry; Shake- 
speare speaks of "Black stage for tragedies and murders fell" 
("Lucrece"); and History, addressing Comedy, says: 

Look, Comedy, I mark'd it not till now, 

The stage is hung with black, and I perceive 

The auditors prepar'd for tragedie. 

A Warning for Fair Women. 

Before the Restoration women's parts were acted by boys, 
and even among the audience no woman might appear unless 
masked. The union of the serious and the comic in the same 
play was common, and clowns were apt to thrust themselves 



INTRODUCTION 21 



upon the stage on all occasions, much to the annoyance of 
Shakespeare himself. (See Hamlet, III., ii., 43.) The costume 
and many other stage accessories were almost entirely lacking, 
and the few that were used were usually inappropriate. Thus 
the gorgeous stage setting of the present day which adds so 
much to the successful presentation of the drama had to be sup- 
plied by the keen imagination of the audience; and here we 
get a fair appreciation of the high degree of intelligence de- 
manded from theater-goers of the Elizabethan period. 

VI. THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE DRAMA 

"A drama undertakes to tell a story by presenting a few 
episodes or situations from which the entire course of the action 
ean be inferred. Inasmuch as these scenes are to be presented in 
rapid succession to an audience, they must be not only clear and 
easy to follow, but, to be interesting, they must also afford op- 
portunity for striking, significant action on the part of the char- 
acters. Further, inasmuch as in a drama the author has no op- 
portunity to tell his audience directly what he thinks of his 
characters, these latter must reveal their natures and purposes 
by their attitude toward one another, as manifested in speech 
or action. It is most important that every action in a drama be 
explained, prepared for, given a motive, by something which has 
already taken place, or some trait of character already indi- 
cated.' ' — Robert Morss Lovett. 

JULIUS C&SAR 

Julius Ccesar was not published until nine years after its 
author's death. It first appeared in a collection of Shakespeare's 
plays, known as the Folio of 1623. This Folio was published by 
a syndicate ' ' at the charges of "W. Jaggard, Ed. Blount, I. Smith- 
weeke, and W. Aspley." It was printed for two of the poet's 
admirers and fellow-actors, Henry Condell and John Hemyng, 



22 JULIUS CAESAR 



and contained thirty-six plays and no poems. No other play of 
Shakespeare's was published with greater care and ability than 
was Julius Ccesar, and no other play presents fewer difficulties 
arising from inaccuracies in the original edition. The precise 
date of its composition is not known, but a conjecture relative 
thereto, amounting almost to certainty, may be made upon the 
following grounds: 

External Evidence 

1. Julius Ccesar is not included in Meres'* List of Shakespeare's 

Plays published in 1598. It is, therefore, presumed to 
have been published at a later date. 

2. Weever'sf Mirror of Martyrs, published in 1601, contains the 

following passage which evidently alludes to Julius Ccesar, 
and from which it may be argued that the play was writ- 
ten before 1601. 

The many headed multitude were drawn 

By Brutus' speech, that Caesar was ambitious; 

When eloquent Mark Antony had shown 

His virtues, who but Brutus then was vicious? 

3. Hamlet, written in 1601-2, has the following allusions, 

I did enact Julius Caesar; 
I was killed in the capitol ; Brutus killed me. — III. ii. 

In the most high and palmy state of Eome, 
A little ere the mightiest Julius fell, 
The graves stood tenantless, and the sheeted dead 
Did speak and gibber in the Eoman streets. — I. i. 

From the evidence of these references as well as from the 
following internal evidence, commentators have concluded that 
Julius Ccesar was composed in 1600. 

* Meres, Francis, born 1565 ; died 1647. An English divine and author, 
t Weever, John. Born 1576 ; died 1632. An English poet and antiquary. 



INTRODUCTION 23 



Internal Evidence 
The plays which are generally recognized as belonging to the 
years 1601-3 are: Hamlet, 1601-2; Twelfth Night, 1601; All's 
Well That Ends Well, 1601-2 ; and Measure for Measure, 1603. 
Of these plays Hamlet most closely resembles Julius Ccesar in 
tone of thought, style, versification, plot, and in treatment of 
character. The apparent reasons for these similarities are : 

1. Both plays are tragedies of thought rather than of action. 

2. Each is the tragedy of an individual who feels that he has 

a duty to perform, but who finds himself unequal to the 
task. The thoughts of the noble Brutus tend too much 
toward idealism and abstract right; the sensitive and 
philosophic Dane turns his thoughts ever too much inward. 

3. Much of the action and development of character in each play 

turns upon a murder — the murder of Hamlet's father, 
and the assassination of Csesar — and in each tragedy the 
spirit of the murdered man plays an important part in 
unfolding the plot. 

4. Revenge and Destiny, the mystery of life and death, super- 

stition and religion, are dealt with in both plays. 
The opinion held by Malone,* Drake, f Skottowe,$ Fleay,§ 
Knight, 1 1 and others that Julius Ccesar was composed about the 
same time as were Antony and Cleopatra and Coriolanus, 1607-8, 
is not tenable, apparent internal evidence to the contrary not- 
withstanding. 

VII. STRUCTURE OF THE PLAY 

Just as every complete action has its cause, growth, height, 
consequence, and close, so a perfect drama has five component 
parts. These are the Opening Movement, Growth, Height or 

* Malone, Edmund. Born at Dublin 1741 ; died 1812. An Irish literary critic 
and Shakespearean scholar. „,.,,,. 

t Drake, Nathan. Born 1766 ; died 1836. An English physician and author. 

X Skottowe, Britiffe Constable. Born 1857. An English historian. 

§ Fleay. Rev. Frederick Gard. An English author ; began writing in 1857 ; 

|| Knight, Charles, Born, England, 1791 ; died 1873. An English publisher 
and author. 



24 JULIUS CESAR 



Climax, Fall, and Close or Catastrophe. In addition to these 
five parts there is frequently a sixth, the Introduction or Expo- 
sition, containing, as it were, the end or circumstance from which 
the action arises. 

In Julius Ccesar the First Scene is of an introductory nature. 

1. The Opening Movement lies in the Second Scene of the First 

Act, in the meeting of Brutus and Cassius. 

2. The Growth embraces everything between the Opening and 

the Climax, and includes the progress of the Conspiracy 
and the presentation of Caesar's character. 

3. The Climax is the death of Caesar, and it is essential that it 

be made especially manifest. 

4. The Fall embraces the events between the Ides of March and 

the battle of Philippi. The interest in the play is kept 
alive by the references of Octavius to the spirit of Caesar, 
and by the appearance of Caesar's ghost. 

5. The Catastrophe is a consequence of the action itself. The 

battle of Philippi is the result of Caesar's assassination, 
and the defeat of Brutus and Cassius, and their suicide 
have been prepared for by the development of their char- 
acters throughout the play, and by the manifestations of 
the Cesarean power. 

Vin. TWO VIEWS OF THE PLAY 

(a) As a Political Play 

The central idea of the play, considered politically, is the 
decay of republicanism in Rome and the rise of Caesarism. In 
the First Scene the populace give unconscious evidence of the 
growing spirit of monarchy. This they manifest when they cry 
out in the Third Act : 

Let him be Caesar. 

Caesar's better parts 
Shall now be crown 'd in Brutus. 



INTRODUCTION 25 



The nation is calling for a representative in whom it may 
put supreme and unlimited confidence. Roman imperialism 
began under Julius Caesar, and assumed definite form in the 
absolute military monarchy of his grand-nephew, Octavius Au- 
gustus. 

" Nothing did so much to set the people in love with royalty, 
both name and thing, as the reflection that their beloved Caesar, 
the greatest of their national heroes, the crown and consum- 
mation of Roman genius and character, had been murdered 
for aspiring to it. . "We can all now see, what he alone 

saw then, that the great social and political forces of the Roman 
world had long been moving and converging irresistibly to that 
end. . . . The great danger of the time lay in struggling 
to keep up a republic in show, when they already had an em- 
pire in fact." — Hudson* 



(o) As a Tragedy of Character 

The central idea of the play considered as a tragedy is that 
Good cannot come out of Evil. "Brutus is noble, wise, valiant, 
and honest," but he made shipwreck of his life by one great 
error. He committed a crime to prevent, as he thought, a 
greater crime, and by so doing he brought upon himself and 
his country greater evils than those he had sought to avert. 

"The stain of assassination adheres to Brutus, a crime 
which no political duty, no apposite duty whatever, can out- 
weigh. This stain cleaves closer to the 'lover' of Caesar than 
to Caesar's personal enemy, Cassius, and to him, therefore, to 
Caesar's good angel, the spirit of the murdered man subse- 
quently appears, as his evil and revenge-announcing genius." 
— GervinusA 

* Hudson, Henry Norman, born at Cornwall, Vermont, 1814 ; died 1886. An 
American Shakespearean scholar. 

t Gervinus, Georg Gottfried, born at Darmstadt, Germany, 1805 ; died 1871. A 
German critic and Shakespearean writer. 



26 JULIUS CAESAR 



IX. POINTS OF CONTRAST BETWEEN THE ENGLISH AND THE ROMAN 
HISTORICAL PLAYS 

Speaking generally, the Roman plays are more truly trage- 
dies than are the English historical plays. They conform more 
closely to Aristotle 's rules of dramatic art. The Roman tragedies 
are complete, each in itself. The English historical plays are 
linked together in close and exact succession so as to form one 
great whole. Shakespeare followed Plutarch more closely than 
he did Holinshed, his authority for the English plays. 

"The theme of the English historical plays is the success 
and the failure of men to achieve noble, practical ends. . . . 
Success in the visible material world, the world of noble posi- 
tive action, is the measure of greatness in the English historical 
plays. . . . But in the tragedies, the men who fail are not 
necessarily less worthy of admiration than the men who suc- 
ceed. . . . Octavius is successful. Yet, we should rather 
fail with Brutus. Prosperity or adversity in the material world 
is here a secondary affair." — Dowden.* 

X. SOURCE OF THE PLAY 

Historical Authority 

The source from which Shakespeare derived the materials 
for Julius CcBsar is Sir Thomas North 'sf translation of Plu- 
tarch' s% Lives. The first edition of North's translation ap- 
peared in 1579 and the second, in 1595. 

Julius Ccesar is an admirable example of Shakespeare's fac- 
ulty for transforming history into drama and prose into poetry, 
without changing the original narrative in any important de- 
gree. The poet has adhered with wonderful fidelity to the ac- 
counts which he found in Plutarch. 

* Dowden, Edward, born at Cork, Ireland, 1843. A British critic and poet. 
t North, Sir Thomas ; 16th Century. An English translator. 
t Plutarch. Born A.D. 46. A Greek historian. 



INTRODUCTION 27 



' ' Shakespeare, ' ' says Archbishop Trench,* "has thrown a 
rich mantle of poetry over all, which is often wholly his own; 
but of the incident there is almost nothing which he does not 
owe to Plutarch, even as continually he owes the very wording 
to Sir Thomas North." 

Departures from Historical Fact 

Shakespeare's departures from Plutarch do not affect the 
substantial truth of the account. They fall naturally under 
two heads, "Departures from Historical Facts" and "Charac- 
ter Digressions." 

Of the departures from historical fact the most important 
only are given : 

1. Caesar's triumph in the first scene is made to take place on 

the same day as the festival of the Lupercalia, February 
15th, 44 b. c. ; in history the triumph takes place four 
(some historians say six) months earlier than the festival, 
October, 45 b. c. 

2. According to Shakespeare, Caesar is killed in the Capitol; in 

Plutarch the assassination takes place in Pompey's senate- 
house. 

3. In the play the death of Cassar, the funeral speeches, and 

the arrival of Octavius in Rome all take place on the 
same day; in Plutarch the speech of Brutus is given on 
the morning after the assassination, that of Antony two 
days later. Octavius was in the city of Apollonia, in 
Illyria, when Caesar was slain. He did not land in Italy 
until the following May. 

4. In Shakespeare the meeting of the triumvirate takes place 

in Eome; according to Plutarch the triumvirs meet "by 
the city of Bononia, where they continue three days to- 
gether. ' ' 

* Trench, Richard Chevenix. Born Dublin, Ireland, 1807 ; died 1886. An 
English prelate, philologist, and poet. 



28 JULIUS C^SAR 



5. Shakespeare represents the two battles of Philippi as taking 
place on the same day; in Plutarch there is an interval 
of twenty days between them. 
These departures from historical fact resulted in confining 
the action of the play within narrower limits than historical 
accuracy required. By limiting to one day actions which were 
in reality spread over several days, Shakespeare avoided the 
dramatic error of scattering the events over a longer period 
than the time of action demanded. Narrowing the limitation 
of time necessarily involved the contraction of place. The 
scenes of the action are Kome, Sardis, Philippi. Nothing would 
have been gained, and something of unity would have been 
sacrificed, had another scene, Bononia, been introduced. Dra- 
matic art especially requires that only the essential aspects of 
realities be reproduced. 

XI. THE TITLE OP THE PLAY 

It has often been asserted that this play should have been 
called " Brutus, " and not "Julius Caesar." The reason for 
this is that Caesar appears on the stage only three times and 
upon these occasions he does nothing worthy of a great hero. 

To this it may be replied : 

1. Although Caesar is not the hero of the play in the sense in 

which Brutus is, yet he is the moving spirit and the 
subject of the drama. 

2. Although he is assassinated in the First Scene of the Third 

Act, his influence continues after his death. 

3. Shakespeare never allows this influence to be lost sight of. 

The name of Caesar occurs eighty-nine times after the 
assassination, and he reappears on the stage in the per- 
son of his ghost, which, as Dr. Dowden says, ' ' serves as a 
kind of visible symbol of the vast posthumous power of 
the dictator." 



INTRODUCTION 29 



4. The play illustrates the triumph of Caesarism over repub- 

licanism and of that spirit, which, in the Fifth Act, calls 
forth from Brutus the testimony, 

O Julius Caesar, thou art mighty yet! 

5. Caesar's spirit lived on in his grand-nephew, Octavius, 

through whom the prophecy of Antony over the body 
of Caesar was fulfilled. (See III. i. 270.) 

6. Finally, to quarrel with the poet for not calling the play 

"Brutus" would be as absurd as to quarrel with Milton 
for not calling his immortal epic "Satan" instead of 
"Paradise Lost." 



XII. ON CHARACTERIZATION 

Adherence to the fundamental rules of dramatic art con- 
tributes more to the excellence of a play than does the observ- 
ance of the Unities of Time, Place, and Action. The principal 
rules by which a dramatist is guided may be called the laws of 
Distinctiveness, Contrast, Consistency, and Effectiveness. 

1. Distinctiveness. It is a primary requisite of the drama that 

every man should be represented according to his gov- 
erning passion. His distinctive characteristics should be 
marked early, e. g., Brutus' patriotism, Caesar's ambi- 
tion, Cassius' envy, and Antony's lewdness. 

2. Contrast. Nothing marks character more clearly than does 

the use of contrast. Thus Cassius is a foil to Brutus, 
Antony to Octavius, etc. 

3. Consistency. Characters may be complex to any degree, but 

they must not be inconsistent with themselves. 

4. Effectiveness. A character should be effective with regard 

to the dramatic action, and the conduct of the play should 
seem to spring from the natures of the chief charac- 
ters. Thus the assassination of Caesar results from the 
haughty bearing and excessive ambition with which 
Shakespeare has chosen to endow him. The principal 



30 JULIUS CiESAR 



characters should predominate, and minor characters 

should not idly intrude. 
A careful study of the different historical plays of Shake- 
speare will disclose the fact that when the poet has made changes 
from the historical view of the character of any of his dramatis 
personae, such changes usually tend toward a closer adherence 
to the foregoing principles, and the result is a gain in dramatic 
effect. 

Xm. CHARACTER INTERPRETATION 

In judging the characters of the dramatis personae, the 
student may be guided by the advice of the following eminent 
critics : " If , " says Coleridge, * ' you take only what the friends 
of the character say, you may be deceived, and still more so if 
that which his enemies say ; nay, even the character himself sees 
himself through the medium of his character, and not exactly as 
he is. Take all together, not omitting a shrewd hint from the 
clown or the fool, and perhaps your impression will be right; 
and you may know whether you have in fact discovered the 
poet's own idea, by all the speeches receiving light from it, and 
attesting its validity by reflecting it." 

"It is in what I called portrait painting, delineating of men 
and things, especially of men, that Shakespeare is great. All 
the greatness of the man comes out decisively here. It is un- 
exampled, I think, that calm creative perspicacity of Shake- 
speare. The thing he looks at reveals not this or that face of it, 
but its inmost heart and generic secret; it dissolves itself as in 
light before him, so that he discerns the perfect structure of it. ' ' 
— Carlyle* 

"His characters are like watches with dial-plates of trans- 
parent crystal; they show you the hour like others, and the in- 
ward mechanism is also visible." — GoetheA 

* Carlyle, Thomas, born ii» Scotland, 1795 ; died, 18S1. A celebrated Scottish 
essayist and historian. f^^m 

t Goethe, Johann Wolfgj^^Pvon, horn at Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1749 ; died, 
1832. A famous German po^^dramatist, and prose writer. 



INTRODUCTION 31 



XIV. CHARACTERS OP THE PLAY 

Julius CcBsar 

Shakespeare's Caesar is not the Caesar of history. The poet 
presents only such traits of his hero's character as are suited 
to the dramatic exigencies of the play and many of these traits 
are far from being admirable. He portrays him as physically 
weak and intellectually vacillating, inordinately ambitious, cow- 
ardly, superstitious, and vainglorious; while in reality he was 
one of the greatest soldiers, statesmen, and scholars that ever 
adorned the pages of history. " Caesar, " says Hudson,* "is far 
from being^himself in these scenes ; hardly one of the speeches 
put into his mouth can be regarded as historically character- 
istic; taken altogether, they are little short of a downright 
caricature, and when he speaks, it is very much in the style of 
a glorious vaporer and braggart, full of lofty airs and mock- 
thunder. ' ' His greatness and his military genius are but lightly 
touched upon, being but involuntarily acknowledged by the 
tribunes in the First Scene, when they berate the plebeians for 
doing honor to Caesar, and strewing flowers 

in his way 
That comes in triumph over Pompey 's blood. — I. i. 53. 

In the play he shows neither the modesty nor the quiet self- 
confidence that usually accompanies true greatness; rather his 
wisdom is consumed in confidence." The position to which he 
has been exalted, the never-failing adulation with which he is 
surrounded, the success he has achieved, the flattery that has 
been his portion — all this has left its mark upon him, so that 
he already regards himself as a god, and speaks of himself in 
the third person as though deified while yet alive: "Caesar is 
tujn'd to hear," I. ii. 17; "Caesar shall forth," II. ii. 10; 
isar doth not wrong," III. i. 47; and 



am 5 



* See note, page 25. 

i 



32 JULIUS CJESAR 



Danger knows full well 
That Caesar is more dangerous than he. — II. ii. 44. 

The Caesar of Shakespeare has become most susceptible to 
flattery, but this love of flattery must be skillfully worked upon 
or not at all. " Low-crook 'd court 'sies, and base spaniel- 
fawning" (III. i. 43), move him not. But Decius knows him 
and in this speech discloses the secret of his successful flattery : 

But when I tell him that he hates flatterers, 

He says he does, being then most flattered. — II. i. 207. 

Decius further knows how to work upon his ambition and 
superstition. He turns to his own account Calpurnia's dream, 
by which Caesar had been undoubtedly disturbed. According 
to the interpretation of Decius, it 

Signifies that from you great Rome shall suck 

Reviving blood, and that great men shall press 

For tinctures, stains, relics and cognizance. — II. ii. 87. 

His ambition is but faintly sketched in the play, but we find 
several evidences of his superstition. He begs Mark Antony 
"to touch Calpurnia" at the Lupercalia, in order that she may 
thereafter bring forth children, and he attaches weight to the 
advice of augurers. Cassius doubts if Caesar will attend the 
meeting of the senate, 

For he is superstitious grown of late, 

Quite from the main opinion he held once 

Of fantasy, of dreams, and ceremonies. — II. i. 195. 

Shakespeare misses no opportunity of bringing into prom- 
inence the physical weaknesses of Caesar. He represents him 
as feeble in health, subject to fits and swooning, deaf of one 
ear, and even inferior in powers of endurance to the spare Cas- 
sius, by whom he was once worsted in a swimming contest. 

That Shakespeare thoroughly understood and admired the 
greatness of Caesar's character, however, — while exaggerating 



INTRODUCTION 33 



and-empliasizing his physical and intellectual weaknesses as a 
dramatic expedient, — is evident from various passages in the 
play: 

Thou art the ruins of the noblest man 

That ever lived in the tide of times. — III. i. 257. 

Are all thy conquests, glories, triumphs, spoils, 
Shrunk to this little measure? — III. i. 150. 

Further proof that Shakespeare did not underestimate the true 
greatness of Caesar may be found in such passages from other 
plays as, "the mightiest Julius," Hamlet; "broad-fronted 
Caesar," Antony and Cleopatra; "there is no more such 
Caesars," Cymbeline; "conquering Caesar," Henry V; "death 
makes no conquest of this conqueror," Richard III. 

A description of Shakespeare's Caesar would be imperfect 
without some reference to the "spirit of Caesar," or "Caesar- 
ism. " It is of this spirit that Brutus is thinking when he says : 

O, that we then could come by Cassar 's spirit, 
And not dismember Caasar. — II. i. 169. 

It is this magic influence that makes Caesar's body 

the ruins of the noblest man, 
That ever lived in the tide of times. — III. i. 257. 

and of which Antony prophesies: 

And Caesar's spirit, ranging for revenge, 

With Ate by his side come hot from hell, 

Shall in these confines with a monarch's voice 

Cry ' l Havoc ! ' ' and let slip the dogs of war. — III. i. 271. 

Dr. Dowden* quotes from Antony's speech after having first 
remarked: "This bodily presence of Caesar is but of sec- 
ondary importance, and may be supplied, when it actually 
passes away, by Octavius as its substitute. It is the spirit of 
Caesar which is the dominant power of the tragedy; against 
this — the spirit of Caesar — Brutus fought ; but Brutus, who for- 

* See note, page 26. 



34 JULIUS CJESAR 



ever errs in practical politics, succeeded only in striking down 
Caesar's body; he who had been weak now rises pure in spirit, 
strong and terrible, and avenges himself upon the conspirators. 
The contrast between the weakness of Caesar's bodily presence 
in the first half of the play, and the might of his spiritual pres- 
ence in the latter half of the play, is emphasized and perhaps 
over-emphasized by Shakespeare," and he adds: "The ghost 
of Caesar (designated by Plutarch only the 'evil spirit' of 
Brutus), which appears on the night before the battle of 
Philippi, serves as a kind of visible symbol of the vast post- 
humous power of the Dictator." — Shakespeare, His Mind and 
Art. 

The Brutus of Shakespeare 

Patriotism is the most prominent trait in the character of 
Brutus,, and identical with his patriotism is his love of repub- 
licanism. For generations his family had been renowned in 
Rome for its republican spirit. His "ancestors did from the 
streets of Rome the Tarquin drive, when he was called a king." 
Upon this theme Cassius continually harps when he wishes to 
gain Brutus over to the cause of the conspirators. ' ' There was 
a Brutus once," etc., he reminds him in I. ii. 159. Ligarius 
addresses him as "Soul of Rome," and recalls his honorable 
ancestry, II. i. 321. (His motto is "Peace, freedom, and lib- 
erty," III. i. 110, /and the reason he assigns for the part he took 
in the murder of Caesar is\ "Not that I loved Caesar less, but 
that I loved Rome more," III. ii. 23. {He believes there can be 
no man "so vile, that will not love his country," III. ii. 36. An- 
tony testifies to the patriotism of Brutus, and this testimony has 
the greater weight from the fact of its being the evidence of an 
opponent : 

All the conspirators, save only he, \ 

Did that they did in envy of great Caesar; \ 

He only, in a general honest thought 

And common good to all, made one of them. — V. v. 69-72. 



INTRODUCTION 



55 



' Brutus is noble and patriotic, sitting ' ' high in all the people 's 
hearts;" yet his cause is a failure^ To his idealism must be 
attributed much of his want- of success. /He lacks the art of 
adapting means to an end.\ Jle is a philosopher rather than a 
man of action $ a theorist, 1 and a lover of books,} but quite im- 
practical.) He would "come by Caesar's spirit, and not dis- 
member Caesar." Other equally impossible measures he at- 
tempts, with consequences disastrous alike to himself and to his 
party. yTo the rabble, excited by blood, he philosophizes; he 
cannot see that republicanism is dead in Rome, that the people 
want a Caesar. /(Nor can he see that his fellow-conspirators are 
envious of the one man great enough to wear the crown) 

(Closely connected with his idealism is his gentleness] This 
quality shows itself in his intercourse with everyone, but par- 
ticularly with his wife, "dear to me as are the ruddy drops 
that visit my sad heart," and with his little attendant, Lucius. 
\£o these two qualities, his idealism and his gentleness, we may 
look for the cause of three, at least, of his four great errors i (1) 
his refusal that Antony be slain with Caesar ;\ (2) /his consent 
that Antony speak at Caesar's funeral;) (3) his refusal to over- 
look the offense of Lucius Pella; (4) his decision, against 
Cassius' better judgment, to "put all to the hazard of battle as 
soon as might be possible." 

(The admiration of Shakespeare for this kindly, gentle, ideal- 
ist is best shown by the eulogium that he puts into the mouth of 
Antony : 

His life was gentle, and the elements 

So mix 'd in him that Nature might stand up, 

And say to all the world, ' ' This was a man ! ' ' — V. v. 73. 
/ 

( Brutus belongs to the Stoic school of philosophy, founded 
by Zeno, which held that pleasure and pain are independent 
of outward circumstances and are of no significance in them- 
selves; that a life virtuously spent insures perpetual happi- 



36 JULIUS C7ESAK 



ness; that the wise man cannot really meet with misfortune; 
and that virtue is to be cultivated for its own sake. Such is 
the philosophy by which he had ordered his early life ; but this 
does not sustain him through the trials and dangers of his later 
years. Even before the assassination he loses something of his 
wonted calmness, and cannot conceal his anxiety from his wife. 
His quarrel with Cassius shows that he has become peevish, 
petulant, and subject to fits of ill temper. He confesses that 
he is "sick of many griefs, " upon which Cassius remarks: 

Of your philosophy you make no use, 

If you give place to accidental evils. — IV. iii. 145. 

But when Cassius learns that to Brutus' other trials is added 
the "insupportable and touching loss" of his wife Portia, he 
is filled with admiration and amazement at the stoical patience 
and endurance of his brother-in-law. Although Brutus still 
retains so much of the philosophy of his younger days that he 
finds it "cowardly and vile" to anticipate his natural death 
by suicide, yet he cannot live up to his lofty ideal and "go 
bound to Rome." His self-inflicted death shows tjiat human 
considerations of honor and the fear of shame were for him a 
religion more binding than the philosophical creed he had cul- 
tivated. 

Mark Antony, in his famous oration, modestly declares him- 
self to be "no orator as Brutus is," and the student of the 
play is thus sometimes led to regard Brutus as the type of 
an excellent orator. Such, however, is not the case. On the 
contrary, Antony is an orator ; Brutus is not.) ( The speech of 
Brutus makes no deep impression upon his audience ; J ahe re- 
sistless eloquence of Antony takes a^l ears captive.) Antony 
effects his purpose ; Brutus does not. f Brevity and logical pre- 
cision are the chief characteristics of his speech, and it is only 
when under the influence of some strong emotion that he is 
eloquent, as when he forbids the oath, II. i., or when he bids 



INTRODUCTION 37 



his fellow-conspirators stoop and bathe their hands in Caesar's 
blood, III. i. ; 

Hatred of the very name of king and dread of tyranny are 
firmly rooted in his nature, but the reasoning by which he argues 
the danger to be apprehended from Cassar is very weak. He 
admits that Caesar is no tyrant, but there is a possibility that 
sovereignty may "change his nature," and " therefore, ' ' he 
says, he must 

think him as a serpent's egg, 
Which, hatch 'd, would, as his kind, grow mischievous ; 
And kill him in the shell. — II. i. 32. 

Such is the erroneous argument by which Brutus arrives at the 
conclusion that Caesar must be killed. 

"While the conqueror of the world is thus in some degree 
thrown into the shade, Brutus, the favorite of the poet, is 
brought forward, not only adorned with all the virtues attrib- 
uted to him by Plutarch, but, in order to excite a deeper in- 
terest in his favor, and to prove that not jealousy, ambition, 
or revenge, but unalloyed patriotism was the sole director of 
his conduct, our author has drawn him as possessing the utmost 
sweetness and gentleness of disposition, sympathizing with all 
that suffer, and unwilling to inflict pain but from motives of 
the strongest moral necessity. He has most feelingly and beau- 
tifully painted him in the relation of a master, a friend, and a 
husband; — his kindness to his domestics, his attachment to his 
friends, and his love for Portia demonstrating that nothing but 
a high sense of public duty could have induced him to lift his 
hand against the life of Caesar. 

' ' It is this struggle between the humanity of his temper and 
his ardent and hereditary love of liberty, now threatened with 
extinction by the despotism of Caesar, that gives to Brutus that 
grandeur of character and that predominancy over his asso- 
ciates in purity of intention, which secured to him the admira- 
tion of his contemporaries, and to which posterity has done 



38 JULIUS CiESAR 



ample justice through the medium of Shakespeare, who has 
placed the virtues of Brutus, and the contest in his bosom 
between private regard and patriotic duty, in the noblest light; 
wringing even from the lips of his bitterest enemy the fullest 
eulogium on the rectitude of his principles and the goodness 
of his heart/ ' — Drake* 

"And what a rare significance attaches to the brief scene of 
Brutus and his drowsy boy, Lucius, in camp a little before the 
catastrophe ! There, in the deep of the night, long after all the 
rest have lost themselves in sleep, and when the anxieties of 
the issue are crowding upon him — there we have the earnest, 
thoughtful Brutus hungering intensely for the repasts of treas- 
ured thought: 

Look, Lucius, here's the book I sought for so; 
I put it in the pocket of my gown. — IV. iii. 253-4. 

What the man is, and where he ought to be, is all signified 
in these two lines. And do we not feel a touch of benignant 
irony in the implied repugnance between the spirit of the man 
and the matter of his present undertaking ? The idea of a book- 
worm riding the whirlwind of war! The thing is most like 
Brutus; but how out of his element, how unsphered from his 
right place, it shows him ! There is a touch of drollery in the 
contrast, which the richest setting of poetry does not disguise." 
— Hudson.\ 

Brutus in History 

Brutus was named after his father, who was treacherously 
put to death by Pompey during the civil wars. His mother was 
Servilia, sister of Cato of Utica. At the time of his father's 
death, Brutus was eight years old. Shakespeare has, for the 
most part, portrayed Brutus as he is represented in history, but 
has neglected to refer to the generous treatment he received at 

* See note, p. 23. f See note, p. 25. 



INTRODUCTION 39 



the hands of Caesar after the battle of Pharsalia. Although 
Brutus had espoused the cause of Pompey, Caesar pardoned him \ 
after his victory and subsequently appointed him to the gov- 
ernorship of Cisalpine Gaul, little thinking that the Komans 
of future generations would have reason to weep as they read 
the words of the poet Pacuvius, "I spared him that he might 
kill me. ' ' Brutus wrote several philosophical treatises and some 
poetry, but nothing of his writings has survived. He combined 
with these tastes the incongruous occupation of a money-lender, 
Cicero being amongst his clients. Plutarch (Skeat's* Ed. p. 
129) writes that Brutus, "for his virtue and valiantness, was 
well beloved of the people and his own, esteemed of noblemen, 
and hated of no man, not so much as his enemies; because he 
was a marvellous lowly and gentle person, noble-minded, and 
would never be in any rage, nor carried away with pleasure 
and covetousness, but had ever an upright mind with him, and 
would never yield to any wrong or injustice ; the which was the 
chiefest cause of his fame, of his rising, and of the good-will 
that every man bare him : for they were all persuaded that his 
intent was good. ' ' 

The Cassius of Shakespeare 

Cassius is the opposite of Brutus in almost every respect. 
He is envious of Caesar's greatness, and personally hates him. 
Consequently he has a keen eye for his defects, but none for 
his virtues. He regards himself as Caesar's equal, if not in- 
deed his superior, and he cannot submit to occupy a position in- 
ferior to that held by Rome 's idol. Comparing his own physical 
strength with that of Caesar, he wonders why 

this man 
Is now become a god; and Cassius is 
A wretched creature, and must bend his body, 
If Caesar carelessly but nod on him. — I. ii. 115. 

* Skeat, Walter William, born at London, 1835. A noted English philologist 



40 JULIUS C^ESAB 



He cannot endure that a man of such feeble constitution should 
"bear the palm alone." His envious disposition is written in 
his face: 

Yond Cassius has a lean and hungry look. — I. ii. 194. 

Caesar knows no man more to be avoided than "that spare 
Cassius," for experience has taught him that 

Such men as he be never at heart's ease 

Whiles they behold a greater than themselves. — I. ii. 208. 

Cassius is the originator, the organizer, and the soul of the 
conspiracy. He has great ability, is quick to act, and ready to 
take advantage of every opportunity. Furthermore, he has the 
ability of impressing others. He knows human nature and 
knows that there are few "so firm that cannot be seduced." 
He uses the right arguments to win Brutus, and he cleverly 
controls Casca and the other conspirators. With respect to the 
points upon which he clashes with Brutus he is always politi- 
cally, though not morally, right. That there is a nobler side to 
Cassius' nature is evident from the fact that he recognizes and 
admires the lofty ideals and purity of character of Brutus, and 
is ennobled by contact with him. After the quarrel, Brutus 
addresses him as "noble, noble Cassius," IV. iii. 234, and upon 
seeing his dead body pays him this tribute : 

The last of all the Romans, fare thee well! 

It is impossible that ever Rome 

Should breed thy fellow. Friends, I owe moe tears 

To this dead man than you shall see me pay. 

I shall find time, Cassius, I shall find time. — V. iii. 99. 

By inclination and education Cassius is an Epicurean, hold- 
ing that the gods exercise no influence upon the world or man, 
attaching no credit to omens and portents, and believing in no 
existence beyond the grave. Happiness or peace of mind — to 
be acquired only as the result of a virtuous life — is, according 



INTRODUCTION 41 



to his philosophy, the end of all human exertions. He appears 
also to have cultivated to some extent the philosophy of the 
Stoics, but he is of too excitable a temperament to make their 
rigorous philosophy the rule of his life. Like Brutus, he changes 
many of his philosophical theories toward the close of his career. 
Just before the battle of Philippi, feeling a premonition of his 
approaching death, he says to Messala: 

You know that I held Epicurus strong, 

And his opinion: now I change my mind, 

And partly credit things that do presage. — V. i. 79. 

His death was dignified, "after the high Eoman fashion.' ' 
The "wreath of victory" for which he struggled in vain during 
his life was awarded him in death, 

O setting sun, 
As in thy red rays thou dost sink to-night, 
So in his red blood Cassius ' day is set. — V. iii. 60. 

Cassius in History 

Shakespeare has contrived to present a more favorable por- 
trait of Cassius than history warrants. He has made but slight 
reference to his vindictiveness, cruelty, and tyranny, and has 
given the utmost effect to the fire and energy which charac- 
terized him. We read in Plutarch that ' ' men reputed him com- 
monly to be very skillful in wars, but otherwise marvellous 
choleric and cruel, who sought to rule men by fear rather than 
by lenity;" that he was "a hot, choleric, and cruel man that 
would oftentimes be carried away from justice for gain, of whom 
it was certainly thought that he made war and put himself into 
sundry dangers, more to have absolute power and authority 
than to defend the liberty of his country." Plutarch contrasts 
the clemency of Brutus toward the Lycians with the extreme 
covetousness and oppression of Cassius toward the inhabitants 
of Ehodes, and relates that "after he had compelled the 



42 JULIUS CJESAR 



Rhodians, every man, to deliver all the ready money they had 
in gold and silver in their houses, the which, being brought to- 
gether, amounted to the sum of eight thousand talents: yet he 
condemned the city besides to pay the sum of five hundred 
talents more.'' 

Contrast Between Brutus and Cassius 

11 The leading distinctions between these two remarkable 
men, as drawn by Shakespeare, appear to us to be these : Brutus 
acts wholly upon principle; Cassius partly upon impulse. 
Brutus acts only when he has reconciled the contemplation of 
action with his speculative opinions; Cassius allows the neces- 
sity of some action to run before and govern his opinions. 
Brutus is a philosopher; Cassius is a partisan. Brutus, there- 
fore, deliberates and spares ; Cassius precipitates and denounces. 
Brutus is the nobler instructor; Cassius the better politician." 
— Knight* 

"The difference between his nature and the character of 
Brutus comes out on every occasion: Brutus appears through- 
out just as humanly noble as Cassius is politically superior; 
each lacks what is best in the other, and the possession of which 
would make each perfect." — GervinusA 

Mark Antony in Shakespeare 

Antony possesses many and varied features of character, 
the more attractive of which are due to the conception of the 
poet, whilst the more repugnant belong to his real historical 
character. 

Brutus sees only the worst side of Antony's character, and 
speaks of him with contempt as a man not to be seriously con- 
sidered, "gamesome," "given to sports, to wildness and much 
company," "who can do no more than Caesar's arm when 
Caesar's head is off," and makes the two great mistakes of allow- 

* See note, p. 23. t See note, p. 25. 



INTRODUCTION * 43 



ing him to outlive Caesar and to speak in Caesar's funeral. 
Caesar commends him for his love of plays and music; Cassius 
reproaches him with being ' ' a masker and reveller. ' ' His volup- 
tuousness and selfishness are fully brought out in Antony and 
Cleopatra, where Shakespeare has, with no uncertainty, pointed 
to those characteristics which were destined ultimately to prove 
the cause of his ruin. His treatment of Lepidus, whom he 
proposes to use first for his own purpose and then 

turn him off, 
Like to the empty ass, to shake his ears 
And graze in commons. — IV. i. 25 

is the essence of selfishness; whilst his conduct in connection 
with the proscription shows that tendency to cruelty which is 
the dominant feature of his character. But Shakespeare, in 
the play, has dwelt rather on the more attractive side of his 
nature. 

His devotion to Caesar is prominently set forth. Cassius 
wisely fears "the ingrafted love he bears to Caesar.' ' Even 
in the presence of his enemies there is nothing feigned in the 
emotion he shows upon the death of his master. Live a thou- 
sand years, he says, 

I shall not find myself so apt to die: 

No place will please me so, no mean of death, 

As here by Caesar, and by you cut off, 

The choice and master spirits of this age. — III. i. 160. 

To the genuine fidelity and attachment to Caesar which Antony 
shows in this scene must be attributed much of the moving 
effect of his eloquent funeral oration. 

He is a man of great ability, but little fixity of purpose. 
At one time he is cunning and secretive; at another outspoken 
and bold. Cassius understands him, and with reason dreads 
his power: 

You know not what you do: do not consent 
That Antony speak in his funeral. — III. i. 232. 



44 JULIUS CJESAR 



But Cassius allowed himself to be overruled by Brutus. An- 
tony's speech in the Forum is one of the finest specimens of 
eloquence in the English language. Although subservient to 
the will of Caesar and obedient to the beck and nod of Octavius, 
he has no respect for men of only moderate abilities who cannot 
act upon their own initiative. For such a man as Lepidus, who 
"must be taught, and trained, and bid go forth," he has nothing 
but contempt. Unprincipled and unscrupulous though he be, 
he admires the noble qualities of Brutus. 

In Antony and Cleopatra, Shakespeare exhibits the fully de- 
veloped character of Antony, adopting Plutarch's opinion that 
his love for Cleopatra "did waken and stir up many vices yet 
hidden in him, and were never seen to any: and if any spark 
of goodness or hope of rising were left him, Cleopatra quenched 
it straight and made it worse than before." In this play, An- 
tony, clever, dashing, and reckless, a magnificent debauchee with 
flashes of greatness, gives himself up to voluptuousness and 
subjugates his reason to his passions. Honor and ambition are 
forgotten in the pursuit of pleasure. He trifles away his man- 
hood and becomes "the abstract of all faults that all men fol- 
low." 

Antony in History 

Marcus Antonius, the triumvir, born about 83 b. c, was the 
grandson of a distinguished orator of the same name, and the 
son of Julia, the sister of Julius Caesar. In his youth he in- 
dulged in every kind of dissipation. As a soldier he served with 
distinction in Syria, 58 b. c, in Palestine, 57-56 b. c, and in 
Gaul, 54-51 b. c. He was one of Caesar's most active partisans, 
and commanded the left wing at the battle of Pharsalia, 48 b. c. 
In 44 b. c. he was consul with Caesar, and after the murder of 
the latter he endeavored to succeed him, but found a formidable 
rival in Octavius, by whom he was defeated at Mutina, 43 b. c. 
After this battle the rivals were reconciled and an agreement 



INTRODUCTION 45 



was made by which Antony, Octavius, and Lepidus should, as 
triumvirs, divide the government of the Eoman State for five 
years. In 42 b. c. Octavius and Antony crushed the republican 
party at Philippi. Antony then went to Asia, where he became 
a captive to the charms of Cleopatra, but for political reasons 
he married Octavia, the sister of Octavius. After the renewal 
of the Triumvirate in 37 b. c. he surrendered himself entirely to 
the allurements of Cleopatra. At Actium, in 31 b. c, he was 
finally crushed by Octavius, and accompanied by Cleopatra, he 
fled to Alexandria, where, in the following year, 30 b. c, he put 
an end to his life. Previous to the period of his mad infatua- 
tion for Cleopatra he was a sagacious and skillful leader, fearless 
in danger and cheerful under the utmost privations. Among 
his soldiers he distributed presents in land and money with a 
prodigal lavishness, which made him their idol. His few redeem- 
ing virtues, however, were far outweighed by his degrading 
vices, which had their culmination in the inhuman persecution 
and death of Cicero. He successively deserted his two wives, 
Fulvia and Octavia, and, according to Plutarch, was "to the 
most part of men cruel and extreme." 

Contrast Between Antony and Brutus 

Brutus, the Stoic, is honorable and unselfish, self-controlled, 
indifferent to amusement and pleasure, acting always upon prin- 
ciple, ready to give his life for his country; Antony, the lover 
of pleasure, is a man of loose morals and a gamester, artful and 
cruel, incapable of self-control, but showing occasional glimpses 
of greatness. Brutus is no politician, yet his strong character 
controls that of the unprincipled Cassius; Antony, an adept 
in all the arts of politics, finds himself obliged to submit silently 
to the stronger will of Octavius. Antony must always have some 
one upon whom to depend ; Brutus causes others to depend upon 
him when they ought to depend upon themselves. 

"How low does this man (Antony) sink when, contrasted 



46 JULIUS OESAR 



with Brutus' unselfishness, patriotism, mild forbearance, and 
saving of blood, we see the triumvir subsequently indifferent to 
the fate of his political enemies, altering to the prejudice of the 
people that will of Caesar with which he had roused them to 
revolt, using Lepidus as a beast of burden, and himself silently 
submitting to the young Octavius! And yet we must confess 
that even this wretch, on the score of humanity, recommends 
himself to us beside the corpse of Caesar more than even the noble 
Brutus. ' ' — Gervinus* 

Octavius in Shakespeare 

Octavius is the dark and crafty politician, who steps in at 
the opportune moment to reap where he did not sow. A great 
reserve of power is hidden behind the calm exterior of the 
beardless schoolboy. He says little during the conference of 
the triumvirs as they arrange the details of the proscription, 
but what he does say is to the point, and he imposes his will 
upon his older and more experienced associates. 

Oct. Your brother too must die; cousent you, Lepidus? 

Lep. I do consent — 

Oct. Jot him down, Antony. — IV. i. 2. 

Plutarch says "he never spake unto the senate nor peo- 
ple, nor to his soldiers, but he had first written and premeditated 
that he would say unto them,' , and it is this aspect of his 
character that Shakespeare presents in the play. He grows 
impatient as he listens to the abusive language and recrimina- 
tions of the other generals on the plains of Philippi, and cuts 
them short with, 

Come, Antony, away! 
Defiance, traitors, hurl we in your teeth: 
If you dare fight to-day, come to the field; 
If not, when you have stomachs. — V. i. 63. 

* See note, p. 25. 



INTEODUCTION 47 



He is cool and calculating, and takes the lead in every situation 
in which he is called upon to act. Although young and inex- 
perienced in wars, by comparison with Antony, he, nevertheless, 
takes the post of honor. 

Ant. Octavius, lead your battle softly on 

Upon the left side of the even field. 
Oct. Upon the right hand I; keep thou the left. 
Ant. Why do you cross me in this exigent? 
Oct. I do not cross you; but I will do so. — V. i. 16. 

And afterwards, although his forces have been overthrown by 
Brutus, he assumes the position of sole commander. 

So call the field to rest; and let's away, 

To part the glories of this happy day. — V. v. 80. 

Octavius in History (62 b. c. — a. d. 42) 

An account of the life of Octavius — or, to give him his full 
title, Caius Julius Caesar Octavianus Augustus, the first Roman 
Emperor — would embrace the history of the Roman Empire dur- 
ing sixty of its most eventful years. It will suffice to quote the 
following passage from Schmidt,* in which he sums up the char- 
acter of the first emperor : ' ' Previously to his victory at Actium, 
he had been cruel, faithless to his friends, selfish, and in many 
instances cowardly: after that event his fears compelled him 
to seek the affection and confidence of the people, and, supported 
by his friends, he learned to appear good, even when he was 
differently inclined. But, admitting that none of his good 
actions sprang from a noble soul, and that his whole life was 
a series of hypocrisies, still it cannot be denied that the character 
which he was obliged to assume in order to gain his end was 
the source of incalculable benefit both to Rome and to the world 
at large." — It was during his reign that Christ was born. 

* Schmidt, Henrich Julian, born at Merienwerder, Prussia, 1818 ; died, 1886 
A German literary historian and journalist. 



48 JULIUS CJESAR 



Contrast Between Octavius and Antony 

The young Octavius was cold-blooded, far-seeing, politic ; the 
older man, Antony, possessed a more complex character, and a 
much more passionate temperament. The cruelty as well as the 
generosity of Octavius was calculated to secure whatever end 
he had in view; Antony was more passionately cruel, but much 
more naturally lavish and generous. With Octavius, hypocrisy 
became almost second nature, while Antony was only occasion- 
ally a dissembler from necessity. Octavius took a practical, 
Antony, an aesthetic, view of life. Octavius was the more suc- 
cessful man, Antony the more picturesque character. 

Lepidus 

The weak character of Lepidus is a strong contrast to the 
more powerful natures of the two other triumvirs. He appears 
as an active character in one scene only, IV. i., where he goes 
to Caesar's house to "fetch the will hither. "~ He is stigmatized 
by Antony as "a slight unmeritable man, meet to be sent on 
errands," "a barren-spirited fellow," who "must be taught, and 
train 'd, and bid go forth," 

one that feeds 
On objects, arts, and imitations, 
Which, out of use and staled by other men, 
Begin his fashion. — IV. i. 36. 

"Do not talk of him," says the elder triumvir, "but as a 
property." He reappears in Antony and Cleopatra, where as 
a good-natured simpleton, he strives to keep the peace between 
Octavius and Antony, and continues to be used as a tool by both. 
Octavius reproaches him with being "too indulgent" to the 
vices of Antony, and "having made use of him in the wars 
'gainst Pompey, presently denied him rivality; would not let 
him partake in the glory of the action," (Antony and Cleopatra, 



INTRODUCTION 49 



III. v. 8) and deposes him from the triumvirate, and sends him 
to live in retirement under strict surveillance until his death. 
In history he plays much the same part as he does in the 
drama. On Caesar's assassination he espoused the cause of 
Mark Antony and gave him protection when he fled after his 
defeat at Mutina, in 43 b. c. In 36 b. c. Octavius summoned 
him to assist in the war against Sextus Pompey. Lepidus obeyed, 
but tired of being treated as a subordinate, he resolved to acquire 
Sicily for himself, and to regain his lost power. He was easily 
subdued by Octavius, who spared his life, but deprived him of 
his triumvirship, his army, and his provinces, and banished him 
to Circeii. He was fond of ease and repose; yet he possessed 
abilities capable of effecting much more than he did. He died 
13 b. c. 

Portia 

Portia reflects the character of Brutus. Husband and wife 
possess one mind and one soul. She is his "true and honorable 
wife," accustomed to share all his thoughts, his pleasures and 
his griefs. She feels a noble pride in her ancestry and in her 
husband : 

I grant, I am a woman; but withal 

A woman that Lord Brutus took to wife: 

I grant, I am a woman; but withal 

A woman well-reputed, — Cato's daughter. 

Think you I am no stronger than my sex, 

Being so fathered and so husbanded? — II. i. 292. 

Like her father and her husband she has cultivated stoicism 
and is able to suffer for others. 

I have made strong proof of my constancy, 
Giving myself a voluntary wound . . . 
Can I bear that with patience, 
And not my husband's secrets? — II. i. 299. 



50 JULIUS (LESAB 



But her philosophy and her self -discipline do not enable her to 
bear the terrible strain put upon her womanly nature. She can 
suffer for others better than for herself. Her anxiety and love 
for Brutus can be kept in bounds by no rules of philosophy. 
In her impatience to learn the issue of the conspiracy her secret 
almost overpowers her. She breathes a prayer and a regret : 

constancy, be strong upon my side, 

Set a huge mountain 'tween my heart and tongue! 

1 have a man's mind, but a woman's might. 

How hard it is for women to keep counsel! — II. iv. 6. 

She is the possessor of her husband's secret, and she has dis- 
covered for herself ' ' how weak a thing the heart of woman is. ' ' 
The manner of her death shows how her struggle against nature 
ends in failure. Suspense and overwrought feeling break her 
heart, and in a paroxysm of madness she commits suicide. 
Brutus thus relates to Cassius the cause of her death: 

Impatient of my absence, 
And grief, that young Octavius with Mark Antony 
Have made themselves so strong; — for with her death 
That tidings came: with this she fell distract, 
And, her attendants absent, swallowed fire. — IV. iii. 152. 

The virtues of Portia are alluded to in The Merchant of Venice , 
where Bassanio describes his Portia as "nothing undervalued 
to Cato's daughter, Brutus' Portia." 

"Portia, as Shakespeare has truly felt and represented the 
character, is but a softened reflection of that of her husband, 
Brutus : in him we see an excess of natural sensibility, an almost 
womanish tenderness of heart, repressed by the tenets of his 
austere philosophy; a stoic by profession, and in reality the 
reverse — acting against his nature by the strong force of prin- 
ciple and will. In Portia there is the same profound and pas- 
sionate feeling, and all her sex's softness and timidity held in 
check by that self-discipline, that stately dignity, which she 



INTRODUCTION 51 



thought became a woman 'so fathered, and so husbanded.' The 
fact of her inflicting on herself a voluntary wound to try her 
own fortitude is perhaps the strongest proof of this disposition. ' ' 
— Mrs. Jameson* 

Calpurnia 

Calpurnia is a woman, different in almost every respect from 
Portia, and Shakespeare presents her as a contrast to the 
patriot's wife. She is to Caesar a wife, "but as it were in sort 
or limitation," to comfort him at times, and to dwell "but in 
the suburbs of his good pleasure." She loves him, it is true, 
and he does sometimes "humour" her; but in the marriage of 
Caesar and Calpurnia there is not, as in the case of Brutus and 
Portia, a real sympathy, wedding heart to heart and mind to 
mind. She does not, like Portia, share her husband 's ambitions, 
plans, and secrets. He does not impart to her his fears, and 
her influence over him is easily overborne by the conspirator 
Decius. 

Cicero 

Cicero acts an unimportant part in the drama, and, appar- 
ently he is introduced to afford a contrast to Casca. He is pre- 
sented as a scholar who speaks Greek and is unintelligible to the 
crowd. Superstition has no place in his mind, and he is unmoved 
by the strange occurrences on the night of the storm. He does 
not believe with Casca that "they are portentous things." To 
do so, he implies, would be to construe things "clean from the 
purpose of the things themselves." 

He is represented as a man much respected in Rome. Caesar 
sends him word that he is going to the Capitol, — I. iii. 37 ; and 
the conspirators are anxious that he should join them. Brutus, 
however, will not suffer him to be included in their number, and 

* NSe Anna Brownell Murphy, born in Dublin, 1794 ; died in England in 1860. 
An extensive writer on art and literature. 



52 JULIUS C^SAE 



gives a reason, true to the character of Cicero, but not to be 
found in Plutarch: 

For he will never follow anything 
That other men begin. — II. i. 151. 

He died a victim of the proscription. 



Cicero in History 

Cicero is represented in Plutarch as being "the first man 
that, mistrusting his (Caesar's) manner of dealing in the com- 
monwealth, found out his craft and malice;" but, although 
aware of the danger to be apprehended from Caesar's ambition, 
he was too cautious and too much in fear of the people to seize 
1 ' the opportunity that offered him against Caesar. ' ' Like Brutus, 
Cicero bore arms against Caesar at Pharsalia, and, like Brutus, 
he was pardoned after the battle. As to the reason why Cicero 
was not included among the number of the conspirators, Plutarch 
writes as follows: "For this cause they durst not acquaint 
Cicero with their conspiracy, although he was a man whom they 
loved dearly, and trusted best; for they were afraid that he, 
being a coward by nature, and age also having increased his 
fear, he would quite turn and alter all their purpose, and quench 
the heat of their enterprise (the which specially required hot and 
earnest execution), seeking by persuasion to bring all things to 
such safety as there should be no peril." After the murder of 
Caesar, Octavius joined himself to Cicero, who, "being at that 
time the chiefest man of authority and estimation in the city, 
stirred up all men against Antonius." Consequently, it was to 
satisfy Antony's desire of vengeance that Cicero suffered death 
in the proscription by the triumvirs. "With regard to his death, 
we read that Brutus "was more ashamed of the cause for the 
which Cicero was slain than he was otherwise sorry for his 
death." 



INTRODUCTION 53 



Casca 

Casca appears first in Caesar's procession as a flatterer and a 
courtier, calling for silence whenever the dictator speaks, and 
hanging on his words. He next appears in a character not his 
own, assuming blunt honesty, feigning stupidity and contempt 
for the proceedings in which he had just been taking a prominent 
part. Cassius tells us that he is not really dull, but quick "in 
execution of any bold or noble enterprise," 

However lie puts on this tardy form. 
This rudeness is a sauce to his good wit, 
Which gives men stomach to digest his words 
With better appetite. — I. ii. 309. 

He is superstitious, and cannot understand Cicero's indiffer- 
ence to the terrors of the stormy night, which he thus explains : 

Either there is a civil strife in heaven, 
Or else the world, too saucy with the gods, 
Incenses them to send destruction. — I. iii. 11. 

He could not hold with men of intellect or science who should 
say, ' ' These are their reasons ; they are natural. ' ' Cassius, with 
his usual ability and foresight, seizes upon the moment when 
Casca is stirred to the very depths of his being by "the strange 
impatience of the heavens." He works upon his superstition, 
and includes him in the conspiracy, knowing that he can trust 
him as a dependent to follow faithfully the lead of others more 
powerful than himself. ' ' Hold, my hand, ' ' says Casca : 

Be factious for redress of all these griefs, 
And I will set this foot of mine as far 
As who goes farthest. — I. iii. 118. 

He depends now upon Brutus and Cassius as he had formerly 
depended upon Caesar, and, being at the same time physically 
courageous and most bitterly envious, he is rewarded with the 
responsible part of being the first to strike at Caesar. 



54 JULIUS CJESAB 



Casca in History 

Casca was a tribune of the plebs in 44 b. a, fought in the 
battle of Philippi in 42, and died shortly after. He was not the 
uneducated man that Shakespeare represents him ; for Plutarch 
relates that, at the murder of Caesar, when the victim " cried 
out in Latin, '0 traitor Casca, what do'st thou?' Casca, on the 
other side, cried in Greek, and called his brother to help him." 

Publius 

Publius is included among the dramatis persona? as a senator. 
He is an old man, and at the assassination of Caesar is " quite 
confounded with this mutiny. ' ' Beyond this he plays no part 
in the drama. The name does not appear in Plutarch. 

Popilius Lena 

Popilius Lena, another senator, was a friend to Caesar. He 
unwittingly gave the conspirators reason to fear that their plot 
was discovered, III. i. 13. The incident is taken almost literally 
from Plutarch. 

Trebonius 

Trebonius is one of the conspirators. In Plutarch he plays 
the part which Shakespeare has assigned him. "Trebonius, on 
the other side, drew Antonius aside, as he came into the house 
where the senate sat, and held him with a long talk without." 
Artemidorus would have warned Caesar to "trust not Tre- 
bonius. ' ' 

In history he played rather a prominent part in the last 
days of the republic. He was one of Caesar's legates in Gaul, 
became successively praetor, propraetor, and consul, and after 
the death of Caesar, pro-consul in the province of Asia. In 43 
b. c. he was surprised by Dolabella in the town of Smyrna, and 
slain in his bed. 



INTBODUCTTON 55 



Ligarius 

Ligarius is a friend and admirer of Brutus, who styles him 
" brave Caius" and "my Caius." He is ill, but possesses a spirit 
which, in the interest of a friend, can make him forget physical 
pain: 

I am not sick, if Brutus have in hand 

Any exploit worthy the name of honour. — II. i. 316. 

Artemidorus says that Caesar has wronged Ligarius, and Metellus 
informs the other conspirators that : 

Caius Ligarius doth bear Caesar hard, 

Who rated him for speaking well of Pompey. — II. i. 215. 

He perished with his two brothers in the proscription of 43 b. c. 

Decius Brutus 

Decius Brutus, surnamed Albinus, is one of the most dan- 
gerous and most ungrateful of the conspirators. According to 
Plutarch, Caesar put such confidence in him ' ' that in his last will 
and testament he had appointed him to be his next heir." By 
his adroit flattery he prevails upon Caesar to attend the senate, 
when Calpurnia's persuasions and his own fears would have kept 
him away. 

History tells us that after the death of Caesar Decius went to 
his province, Cisalpine Gaul, which he refused to surrender to 
Antony, who had obtained it from the people. In 43 b. c. he was 
betrayed by Camillus, a Gaulish chief, and was put to death 
by Antony. 

Metellus Cimber 

Metellus Cimber 's attitude toward Caesar is like that of 
Decius Brutus — humble and flattering. 

In history his true name is Lucius Tillius Cimber; but 



56 JULIUS CAESAR 



Shakespeare is following Plutarch when he calls him Metellus. 
After the assassination he went to his province of Bithynia and 
raised a fleet, with which he rendered service to Cassius and 
Brutus. 

Cinna 

Cinna is one of the earliest of the conspirators to join with 
Cassius in his plot against Caesar's life. He is so hated by the 
people that in their frenzy they slay Cinna, the poet, mistaking 
him for the conspirator. 

Flavins and Marullus 

Flavius and Marullus are tribunes who oppose Caesar after 
his victory at Munda over the sons of Pompey. They possess 
considerable influence with the citizens, whom they compel to 
"vanish tongue-tied in their guiltiness." They were deprived 
by Caesar of their tribuneships, or, as Casca has it, ' ' for pulling 
scarfs off Caesar's images, are put to silence.' ' 

Artemidorus 

Artemidorus of Cnidus, a teacher of rhetoric, endeavors 
vainly to warn Caesar against his impending danger. Plutarch 
says he was "a doctor of rhetoric in the Greek tongue, who, by 
means of his profession, was very familiar with certain of 
Brutus' confederates, and therefore knew the most part of all 
their practices against Caesar." 

Cinna, the Poet 

Cinna, the poet, who was slain for his namesake, Cornelius 
Cinna, enjoyed considerable renown during his lifetime. He 
was a tribune of the plebs, and a friend of Catullus. His prin- 
cipal work was an epic poem entitled "Smyrna." 



INTRODUCTION 57 



Lucilius 

Lucilius was a friend of Brutus, whom he strove to shield 
by impersonating him at the battle of Philippi. Antony says 
of him : "I had rather have such men my friends than enemies, ' r 
and after the battle takes him into his service. He remained 
with Antony, ''and was very faithful and friendly unto him 
till his death." 

Titinius 

Titinius was "one of Cassius' chief est friends," who fought 
with him at the battle of Philippi. He was greatly attached 
to his master, and slew himself over his body. He is included in 
the eulogium of Brutus : 

Are yet two Eomans living such as these? 

Messala 

Messala was a friend of Brutus and Cassius. At Philippi he 
"had charge of one of the warlikest legions they had." After 
the battle he took refuge in the island of Thasos. Finally he 
became Octavius' friend, "fought valiantly, and with great 
affection" for him at Actium. In addition to being a soldier, 
he was a patron of learning and the arts, a historian, a poet, a 
grammarian, and an orator. 

Young Cato 

Young Cato was the son of the famous Stoic of the same 
name. (See note, Act V. iv. 172.) He died at the battle of 
Philippi, bravely proclaiming: 

I am the son of Marcus Cato, ho! 

A foe to tyrants, and my country's friend. — V. iv. 4. 

Volumnius 

Volumnius was ' ' a grave and wise philosopher, who had been 
with Brutus from the beginning of this war." They had been 



58 JULIUS CiESAR 



at school together, and Brutus speaks of ' ' our love of old. ' ' He 
refuses to help Brutus commit suicide on the ground that 
""that's not an office for a friend/ ' 



Lucius 



( i 



And what a dear little fellow Lucius is! — so gentle, so 
dutiful, so loving, so thoughtful and careful for his master; 
and yet himself no more conscious of his virtue than a flower 
of its fragrance. ' ' — Hudson* 

The Citizens 

The citizens and commoners are represented by Shakespeare 
as a somewhat mean-spirited crowd, easily swayed this way and 
that. They are fickle and irrational, possessing little of that 
spirit of freedom that characterized their ancestors. Childish in 
their love of shows and spectacles, their sympathies are readily 
moved, and they are formidable only when their deepest passions 
are aroused. 

"Yet their feelings are in the main right, and even their 
judgment in the long run is better than that of the pampered 
Roman aristocracy, inasmuch as it proceeds more from the 
instincts of manhood. Shakespeare evidently loved to play with 
the natural, unsophisticated, though somewhat childish heart of 
the people ; but his playing is always genial and human-hearted, 
with a certain angelic humor in it that seldom fails to warm us 
towards the subject. ' ' — Hudson. 

XV. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION IN CONNECTION WITH 
ROMAN HISTORY 

Julius Caesar was born in 100 b. c, of an old Roman family, 
the Julia Gens. 

* See note p. 26. 



INTEODUCTION 59 



The origin of the name Caesar is doubtful. According to 
some it is a name which was applied to a certain member of the 
Julian tribe, who was remarkable on account of the abnormal 
growth of hair with which he was afflicted. (Sanscrit, kesa, hair; 
Lat., caesaries.) But it has come to mean in various languages 
the holder of despotic power. 

Sulla, the champion of the Optimates, or well-to-do classes, 
died in 78 b. a, and Caesar, who had been learning the art of war 
in the East, returned to Rome to take part in political and civil 
affairs. His progress in the attainment of honors and power 
was rapid. In 68 b. c. he became Quaestor at the early age of 
thirty-two. 

In 65 b. c. he was elected iEdile, in which office he gained the 
applause of the people by the magnificence of his shows and 
entertainments. In 63 b. c. he became Pontifex Maximus. In 
62 b. c. he obtained the Praetorship. 

The power of Pompey, "whom alone of all their champions 
the Romans had distinguished by the appellation of the Great," 
was now at its zenith. His ' ' rapid conquests in Asia could only 
be paralleled by those of the Macedonian Alexander."* "The 
conqueror of nations, the founder of nine and thirty cities, what 
opposition could be made to any claims he might choose to 
advance?"! In 61 b. c. Pompey returned from the East, and 
of the pageant by which his return was celebrated, we read: 
1 ' Never had the Sacred Way seen such a triumph as that which 
Pompeius celebrated on September 28th and 29th of the year 
61 B. a Clad in a robe which once belonged to Alexander the 
Great, he led three hundred and twenty-four captive princes, 
princesses, and captains to the Temple of Capitoline Jupiter." 

In 60 b. c. Caesar returned from Spain with a princely for- 
tune and formed with Pompey and Crassus the First Trium- 

* Merivale, History of the Romans Under the Empire. (Merivale, Charles, 
born, 1808 ; died, 1893. An English divine, lecturer, and Roman historian.) 

t Horton, A History of the Romans. (Horton, Robert Forman, born at Lon- 
don, 1855. An English clergyman and author.) 



60 JULIUS 03ESAR 



_ 



virate. The influence and wealth of these three "monarchs" 
rendered them all-powerful in Rome. 

Caesar was elected Consul in 59 b. c, and became the recog- 
nized leader of the popular party at Rome. He forced upon the 
senate an Agrarian Law, which assigned estates to a large num- 
ber of citizens and to the Pompeian veterans. Cato, a rigid 
republican, descended from Cato the Censor, a name long held 
in veneration for probity and simplicity, opposed the law in vain. 
The consistent advocate of old republican virtue, whose spirits 
rose with danger, exerted himself with impetuous energy, and 
had to be dragged from the rostrum by the orders of Caesar. 
Cicero also opposed the act in the senate so far as he dared. 

At the end of this year, 59 b. a, Caesar, as Pro-Consul, 
acquired the command of Gaul, and held it for ten years. In 
order to retain his political power in Rome he gave his daughter 
Julia in marriage to Pompey, and himself took, for his third 
wife, Calpurnia, the daughter of the Consul-elect, Lucius Cal- 
purnius Piso. Of the famous Gallic Campaign only one incident 
need here be mentioned. 

In 57 b. c. Caesar with his legions was preparing to encamp 
upon a hill descending with a gentle slope to the Sambre. The 
Nervii, a Belgic tribe of German descent, lay concealed in a wood 
hard by. As soon as they saw the Roman army standing before 
them, ignorant of their proximity, they rushed from their place 
of concealment and made an impetuous charge upon the legions. 
Caesar was taken by surprise, but proved himself equal to the 
emergency. He exposed himself personally in combat. "With 
buckler and broadsword he fought amongst the foremost, and 
his men were fired with that indescribable personal enthusiasm 
which afterwards turned them from Romans into Caesareans. ' '* 
The imminent defeat was turned into a victory. The senate, 
unable to stem the torrent of popular acclamation, granted him 

* Horton. (See note, p. 59.) 



INTBODUCTION (Jl 



the unprecedented honor of a thanksgiving of fifteen days for 
his brilliant successes in Gaul. 

On June 9th, 53 b. c, Crassus, one of the Triumvirate, was 
treacherously murdered in Parthia, and Cassius became com- 
mander of the Roman forces. 

In 52 b. c, Pompey was named sole Consul in Rome, which 
city at that time was in a state bordering on anarchy. Becom- 
ing jealous of Caesar's growing influence, he gradually attached 
himself to the senatorial party. Of these two illustrious com- 
petitors for power it was said that Pompey could bear no equal, 
Caesar, no superior. 

In 49 b. c. Caesar was declared a public enemy by the senate. 
On January 15th of that year he crossed the Rubicon, a little 
stream which divided his province, Gaul, from Italy. This was 
an explicit declaration of war. ' ' At the first blast of his trump- 
ets every obstacle fell before him. ' '* Even before he had time to 
bring up his legions, the chiefs of the senate had evacuated Rome. 
Pompey secretly left the capital and abandoned Italy to the 
conqueror. Caesar was made Dictator, and held the office till 
his death. The victory of Ilerda (mod. Lerida) secured Spain 
in 48 b. c. 

This year saw the rout of the Pompeian forces at Pharsalia. 
Pompey himself fled, and was shortly afterwards murdered at 
Alexandria. 

In 46 b. c v Caesar was invested with the title of Imperator for 
life. On hearing of Caesar 's victory at Thapsus, Cato committed 
suicide — "the gravest philosopher Rome had yet produced. " 
Mommsen's History of Rome.j 

The victory which Caesar gained at Munda over Cneius, the 
son of Pompey, on March 15th, 45 b. a, finally crushed the 



* Merivale. (See note, p. 59.) 

f Mommsen, Theodor, born at Schleswig, 1817. A celebrated German his- 
torian. 



62 JULIUS CAESAR 



Porapeian party. In October he celebrated his fifth and last 
great triumph.* 

The possession of the new office of Imperator gave him all 
the power of a king, and he began to assume the state and visible 
symbols of monarchy. He now "very judiciously connected him- 
self with Servius Tullius. . . . From ancient times there 
stood on the Capitol the statues of those seven kings whom the 
conventional history of Rome was wont to bring on the stage; 
Caesar ordered his own to be erected beside them as the eighth. ' ' 

He appeared publicly in the purple robe of the traditional 
kings of Alba, with a crown of laurel upon his head. The image 
of the monarch appeared on Roman coins. He was regarded in 
his lifetime as a demigod, and was worshipped as such. He 
received "sitting on his golden chair, and without rising from 
it, the solemn procession of the senate. . . . Several, indeed, 
of his most vehement adherents suggested to him in different 
ways, and at different times, that he should assume the crown ; 
most strikingly of all, Marcus Antonius, when he as Consul 
offered the diadem to Caesar before all the people. But Caesar 
rejected these proposals without exception at once."f This hap- 
pened at the festival of the Lupercalia on February 15th, 44 b. c. 

It was at this time that the formidable conspiracy against 
Caesar's life began to take definite shape. Cassius was the 
originator of it, but he was soon joined by Decius Brutus, 
Publius, Casca, Metellus Cimber, Caius Trebonius, and no fewer 
than sixty — or according to some, eighty — others. With the 
exception of Cicero, almost all the survivors of the Optimate 
party were concerned in it, and, almost without exception, the 
conspirators were men who had received honors and promotion 
at the hands of Caesar. They wisely secured for their project 



* Caesar's other triumphs were given him for his victories : 1. Over the Nervii 
in Gaul, 57 B. C. 2. Over Ptolemy in Egypt, 48 B. C. 3. Over Pharnaces at Zola 
in Pontus, 47 B. C. 4. Over Juba at Thapsus in Numidia, 46 B. C. These four 
triumphs were celebrated on four successive days in June, 46 B. C. 

f Merivale. (See note, p. 59.) 



INTRODUCTION 63 



the cooperation of Brutus, who traced his descent from a sup- 
posed third son of that Brutus who, according to the legend, 
drove the Tarquin kings from Kome, and with grim patriotism 
condemned to death two of his own sons for sympathizing with 
the exiled family. 

"As long as Caesar remained at Rome his fearless demeanor 
exposed him to the daggers of assassins, for he had dismissed the 
guard which had at first surrounded him, and he appeared 
daily in the Forum and the Curia with no other attendance than 
that of friends and casual visitors."* 

The conspirators assembled early, and repaired in a body 
to the portico of Pompey's theater, adjacent to the hall assigned 
for the meeting of the senate. Decius Brutus overcame Caesar's 
disinclination to attend the meeting of the senate, and he passed 
for the last time in a litter from his house near the Temple of 
Vesta, through the Forum to the theatre of Pompey. The con- 
spirators performed their terrible act just as Shakespeare has 
described it, and "in the evening three slaves came to the 
deserted Curia and carried that imperial body home to Calpurnia 
in the litter in which he had come in the morning, the autocrat 
and lord of the Western World. ' ' t 

Caesar was the leader of the popular party, and monarch 
though he was, in fact if not in name, he was none the less a 
democrat. This is a fact which should not be lost sight of by 
the student of history. Among the politicians of the day Caesar, 
alone, perhaps, was conscious of the corruptness existing in 
Rome, and the desire of his life was to avert a military despotism. 
But "Fate is mightier than genius. Caesar desired to become 
the restorer of the civil commonwealth, and became the founder 
of the military monarchy which he abhorred; he overthrew the 
regime of aristocrats and bankers in the state only to put a mili- 
tary regime in their place. "J 

* Merivale. (See note, p. 59.) $ Mommsen. (See note, p. 61.) 

f Horton. (See note, p. 59.) 



64 julius c^hsar 



The assassination of Caesar was a political blunder. The 
fabric of the republic had long been tottering to its fall, and 
Caesar was the one man who could have built upon the old 
foundation a solid and stable government. His death involved 
the state in fresh struggles and civil wars for many years, until 
in the end it fell under the supremacy of Augustus, who estab- 
lished a monarchy far more despotic than that which the so-called 
"liberators" had attempted to avert. 

"His talents for war were, perhaps, the highest the world 
has ever witnessed; his intellectual powers were almost equally 
distinguished in the closet, the Forum, and the field: his vir- 
tues, the very opposite to those of Cato, have been not less justly 
celebrated . . . equally capable of commanding men and of 
courting them, of yielding to events and of moulding them, he 
maintained his course firmly and fearlessly, without a single 
false step till he attained the topmost summit of human power. ' ' 

Marcus Brutus and Cassius fled to their provinces — Mace- 
donia and Syria — and Decius Brutus to Cisalpine Gaul, leaving 
Antony master of the situation. 

Caesar's grand-nephew and heir, Octavius, being then but 
eighteen years old, at once sailed from Apollonia to Italy. He 
arrived at Rome in May, 43 b. c, and assumed the name of 
Caius Julius Caesar Octavius. 

In June he was at open enmity with Antony. Cicero had 
become a strong supporter of Octavius and delivered his 
immortal Philippics against Antony, making at the same time 
almost superhuman efforts to revive the republican spirit in 
Rome. At first it seemed as though he would be successful. The 
armies of Brutus in Macedonia and Cassius in Syria were gain- 
ing victories, and Antony was beaten by Octavius in Northern 
Italy. But these successes were only temporary. "The tie 
created by the dead Caesar was stronger than the tie created by 
dying Rome."* 

* Horton. (See note, p. 59.) 



INTRODUCTION 55 



In October, Octavius, Lepidus, and Antony held a confer- 
ence at Bononia, modern Bologna, Italy, on an islet in the river 
Rhenus (Reno), and agreed to divide the empire amongst them- 
selves. Octavius took Africa, Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica; 
Antony, Cisalpine Gaul, the Northern and central parts of Trans- 
alpine Gaul; Lepidus, Spain and Southern Gaul. 

Their first care was to rid themselves of troublesome 
opponents. "The associates, thus prepared for the work of 
slaughter, sate with a list of the noblest citizens before them, 
and each in turn wrote the name of him whom he destined to 
perish. Each claimed to be ridded of his personal enemies, and 
to save his own friends. But when they found their wishes clash, 
they resorted without compunction to mutual concessions."* 
Octavius surrendered Cicero to Antony's hatred; Antony in 
return surrendered his uncle, Lucius Ca3sar ; and Lepidus aban- 
doned to the malice of his colleagues his own brother, Paulus 
^Emilius. The list of the proscribed gradually swelled to three 
hundred senators and two thousand knights. 

Cicero's name is said to have stood first on the bloody list. 
He was assassinated on December 7, 43 b. c. 

"The acts of horror and inhuman cruelty perpetrated at 
that time by the brutal murderers, who were actuated by 
revenge, avarice, and malice, surpass even the horrors committed 
in France during the Revolution in the days of Robespierre, 
Danton and Mar at." t 

Brutus and Cassius were in Asia engaged in the plunder of 
Rhodes and Xanthus when Antony pushed his forces through 
Macedonia into Thrace. On their arrival at Philippi they found 
the passes barred against them. They occupied two hills facing 
the city of Philippi to the southeast, their left flank resting on 
the sea. Brutus was on the right and Cassius on the left, their 



* Merivale. (See note, p. 59.) 

t Schmidt's History of Rome. (See note, p. 47.) For Robespierre, Danton, 
and Marat see History of French Revolution^ 



66 JULIUS CiESAR 



double camp being connected by a long line of rampart. Their 
fleet, which should have been at hand, was in the Western seas. 
The armies engaged on either side exceeded in numbers those 
engaged in any previous battle — the Republican army number- 
ing 120,000 legionaries, that of the triumvirs, 80,000. To main- 
tain such a force in the field, Brutus and Cassius had been 
obliged to exhaust the supplies of the different places through 
which they passed. Cassius wished to retreat upon Asia, Brutus 
insisted on giving battle. 

The first engagement took place very much as Shakespeare 
has described it, except that Octavius was not present, being 
kept away by illness, or, as some say, by cowardice. Brutus 
was victorious over the army of Octavius; he stormed the 
enemy's camp and cut three legions to pieces. Cassius was 
beaten by Antony, and, thinking the battle lost and the cause 
desperate, committed suicide. The first battle was followed by 
an interval of twenty days, during which the Republican legions, 
demoralized by the death of Cassius and disorganized by the 
slackness of Brutus' discipline, gave themselves up to plunder 
or deserted to the enemy. 

Finally, Brutus was forced to renew the battle. This engage- 
ment took place on the same ground as did the other. For a time 
the contest was undecisive and stubborn. After hours of mutual 
slaughter the forces of Brutus were put to flight. "With four 
legions he gained a position of security among the hills behind 
his camp. When, on the following day, he wished to renew the 
battle, his soldiers sullenly refused to fight. Brutus saw that no 
hope was left, and to avoid indignity worse than death he slew 
himself, after exclaiming, "We must fly, indeed, but it must be 
with our hands, not with our feet." — Plutarch* 

The battle of Philippi was the death-blow of the republic. 
The battle of Actium which was to follow, 31 b. c, was the crisis 



* See note, p. 26. 



INTRODUCTION 67 



of the personal rivalry of Octavius and Antony. The fate of 
the Roman world was then decided at once and for ever. From 
that date Caesar reigned supreme in the person of Octavms 
Julius Caesar Augustus. 

XVI. ROMAN TITLES 

Imperator. The title "imperator" belonged, in the repub- 
lican period, to the victorious general. Caesar was the first to 
retain the title after the termination of his generalship. 

Pontifex. The College of Pontifices or priests dated from the 
time of the kings. At the head of the College was the "Pontifex 
Maximus," who held the supreme authority in things sacred. 
Caesar, as Pontifex Maximus, instituted a new order of 
"Luperci" called "Juliani," of which he made Antony chief 
priest. 

Augur. The gods of the Romans had their own way of 
speaking, which was intelligible to the initiated only. The Col- 
lege of Augurs, sixteen in Caesar's time, was a kind of priest- 
hood especially skilled in interpreting the language of the gods 
from the flight of birds, from the inspection of the entrails of 
slaughtered beasts, and by other mysterious methods. 

Prcetor. The praetors were judicial magistrates for civil or 
private suits. They were elected annually. Caesar raised the 
number from eight to sixteen, and the nomination of half of 
them was in the hands of the imperator in the same way as was 
the nomination of half the quaestors. Brutus, in 44 b. c, was 
one of the praetors nominated by Caesar. 

Tribune. The tribunes were plebeian magistrates, elected 
annually by the plebeian assembly. They possessed the right of 
veto on a magisterial edict, and their "plebiscita" or laws were 
binding on all citizens. Among their prerogatives was that of 
calling the other magistrates to order. Flavius and Marullus 
were tribunes. 



68 JULIUS C^SAR 



XVII. ABSTRACT OF THE PLAY 

Act I, Scene i. The curtain rises upon a busy scene of popu- 
lar enthusiasm. Roman tradesmen and mechanics are making 
holiday, and thronging the streets of Rome to see Caesar, and 
rejoice in his triumph over the sons of his old rival, Pompey. 
The tribunes, Flavius and Marullus, are indignant that Caesar 
should triumph over men who were Romans like themselves, and 
they drive the Commoners from the streets. Taking advantage 
of the display of popular enthusiasm, Mark Antony three times 
offers Caesar a kingly crown, which he each time refuses. In 
the meantime Cassius is busy assembling the conspirators to per- 
fect their plans for the assassination. 

Act I, Scene ii. Caesar first appears at the head of the pro- 
cession celebrating the festival of the Lupercalia. (See note 
I. i. 35, page 164.) A soothsayer bids him "beware the ides 
of March. ' ' As the procession passes along, Brutus and Cassius 
remain behind, and Cassius with great skill poisons the 
mind of Brutus against the dictator. When Caesar with his train 
passes again, Casca remains to relate to Brutus and Cassius how 
Antony had thrice offered a crown to Caesar, which he had 
reluctantly refused. Cassius, alone, congratulates himself on the 
result of his interview with Brutus. 

Act I, Scene iii. On a night made terrible by thunder 
and lightning, Casca meets Cicero in the street, and relates the 
strange sights he has seen. As Cicero hastens away to seek 
shelter, Cassius appears, and, working upon the already agitated 
mind of the superstitious Casca, easily induces him to join in 
the conspiracy against Caesar. Cinna enters, and the three con- 
spirators take measures to win over Brutus to their party. 

Act II, Scene i. Brutus, alone in his orchard, laments over 
Caesar's ambition and monarchial tendencies. He decides that 
Caesar must be killed that Rome may be saved from the 



INTRODUCTION 69 



tyranny of a king. The conspirators enter, and are introduced 
to Brutus. Cassius finally prevails on Brutus to join them, and 
the details of the plot are discussed. Brutus will not allow 
Antony to be killed. On the departure of the other conspirators, 
Portia, Brutus' wife, enters, and, questioning Brutus as to his 
recent strange behavior, urges upon him her right to share his 
secrets and his anxieties. Brutus admits Ligarius into the num- 
ber of the conspirators. 

Act II, Scene ii. In the early morning of the ides of March, 
Caesar is persuaded by his wife, Calpurnia, and by the warnings 
of his augurers, not to attend the senate on that day. Decius 
Brutus, however, enters, and by means of artful flattery, induces 
Caesar to disregard the entreaties and the fears of his wife. The 
other conspirators and Antony come to escort Caesar to the 
senate-house. 

Act II, Scene iii. Artemidorus reads a paper warning Caesar 
of his fate. This he hopes to present to the dictator as he passes 
him in the street. 

Act II, Scene iv. Portia, to whom Brutus has imparted his 
secret, finds the burden of anxiety and suspense so difficult to 
bear that she almost faints in her effort to suppress her natural 
feelings. 

Act III, Scene i. Caesar, disregarding all warnings, enters 
the senate-house, the conspirators and others following. Metellus 
Cimber makes humble suit to Caesar for the recall of his brother 
from banishment. The other conspirators also intercede for him. 
Caesar arrogantly refuses to hear them. The conspirators then 
assassinate Caesar and proclaim "Peace, freedom, and liberty.' ' 
Antony, who had fled during the confusion, asks and receives 
permission to converse with them in safety. On seeing Caesar's 
corpse he is filled with the deepest sorrow, which he nobly 
expresses. After feigning reconciliation with Caesar's mur- 
derers, he obtains permission from Brutus to speak at Caesar's 
funeral. On the departure of the others he prophesies civil war 



70 JULIUS CAESAR 



and vengeance on the conspirators. The approach of Octavius 
Caesar is announced. 

Act III, Scene ii. Brutus, in a well-reasoned speech, tells 
the citizens why he who loved Caesar slew him ; the citizens wish 
to crown Brutus in the place of Caesar. Antony follows, and in 
an oration by turns persuasive, eloquent, and fiery, stirs up these 
same citizens to mutiny and rage against the murderers. 
Octavius enters Rome, and, at the same time, Brutus and Cassius 
flee from the city. 

Act III, Scene iii. The citizens in their fury slay Cinna, the 
poet, mistaking him for his namesake, Cinna, the conspirator. 

Act IV, Scene i. The triumvirs, Antony, Octavius, and 
Lepidus, draw up a list of those who are to be put to death by 
their proscription. Lepidus is used as a tool by the other two. 

Act IV, Scene ii. The scene changes from Eome to the camp 
of Brutus and Cassius near Sardis. Brutus and Cassius meet; 
each complains of wrongs suffered at the hands of the other. 

Act IV, Scene iii. Their quarrel becomes intense. Cassius 
at last offers his life to Brutus, and a reconciliation takes place. 
They pledge their mutual love in wine, and Brutus tells Cassius 
of Portia's death. Together with Titinius and Messala, they 
discuss their plans for the future, and, against Cassius' better 
judgment, they decide to give battle at once. After the retire- 
ment of the others, Brutus begins to read. Caesar's ghost 
appears and tells him that he will see him again at Philippi. 

Act V, Scene i. Octavius and Antony, at Philippi, prepare 
to take the field. A parley between the opposing generals results 
only in fierce denunciations. Brutus and Cassius converse on 
the subject of suicide, and determine what to do in the event of 
defeat. They take a touching leave of each other. 

Act V, Scene ii. Brutus gives the word of battle too early. 

Act V, Scene iii. Cassius is defeated, and, thinking Titinius 
captured and all lost, is, by his own request, stabbed by his bond- 



INTEODUCTION 71 



man Pindarus. Titinius slays himself over Cassias' body. 
Brutus pronounces a eulogy over the two Romans. 

Act V, Scene iv. Young Cato dies bravely in the front of 
the battle. Lucilius, declaring himself to be Brutus, yields, and 
is taken to Antony, who discovers the deception. 

Act V, Scene v. Brutus, defeated, appeals unsuccessfully to 
several of his friends to put an end to his life. At length he 
induces Strato to hold his sword whilst he himself runs upon it, 
and dies with the words on his lips: "Caesar, now be still: I 
kill'd not thee with half so good a will." Octavius and Antony 
enter with their army. Antony utters a noble tribute of praise 
over Brutus' body. Octavius calls the field to rest, and with 
Antony goes away — 



To part the glories of this happy day. 



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JULIUS CAESAR. 



Sramatts $?v&tm&. 



Julius Cesar. 

OCTAVIUS CdESAR, 

Marcus Antonius, 
M.^Emilius Lepidus 



} triumvirs 
aUer the 
death 
of Julius 
Ccesar 
Cicero, *] 

Publius, ^senators. 

Popilius Lena. J 
Marcus Brutus, 
Cassius, 

Casca, conspirators 

Trebonius, against 

Ligarius, \ Julius Caesar 

Decius Brutus, 
Metellus Cimber, 

ClNNA. 

Flavius and Marullus, tribunes. 
Artemidorus of Cnidus, a teacher 

of Rhetoric. 
A Soothsayer. 
Cinna, a poet. Another Poet. 



Lucilius, 
Titinius, 

Messala, 
Young Cato, 
Volumnius. 



>friends to Brutus and 
Cassius. 



Varro, 

Clitus, 

Claudius, 

Strato, 

Lucius, 

Dardanius. 



servants to Brutus. 



Pindarus, servant to Cassius. 
Calpurnia, wife to Ccesar. 
Portia, wife to Brutus. 
Senators, Citizens, Guards, Attend- 
ants, etc. 

Scene: Rome: the neighbourhood of 
Sardis: the neighbourhood of Philippi. 



ACT I. 

Scene I. Rome. A Street. 

Enter Flavius, Marullus, and certain Commoners. 
Flav. Hence! home, you idle creatures, get 
you home: 
Is this a holiday? What! know you not, 
Being mechanical 2 , you ought not 3 walk 
Upon a labouring 4 day without the sign 
Of your profession ?* Speak, what trade art thou? 



plebeians, 
citizens 



^mechanics 
3 sc. to 
forking 



* I. e. your working clothes and your tools. But it was a custom rather of 
Shakespeare's own time and not any law of the Romans that is referred to here. 

73 



74 



JULIUS CLESAR 



[Act I 



J 



First Com. Why, sir, a carpenter. 
Mar. Where is thy leather apron, and thy rule? 
What dost thou with thy best apparel on? — 
You, sir, what trade are you? 

Sec. Com. Truly, sir, in respect of 1 a fine 10 
workman, I am but, as you would say, a 
cobbler.* 
Mar. But what trade art thou? Answer me 

directly. 2 
Sec. Com. A trade, sir, that, I hope I may 
use with a safe conscience; which is, indeed, 
sir, a mender of bad soles. 3 
Mar. What trade, thou knave? thou naughty* 

knave, what trade? 
Sec. Com. Nay, I beseech you, sir, be not out 5 20 
with me: yet, if you be out 6 , sir, I can mend 
you. 

Mar. What meanest thou by that? Mend 
me, thou saucy fellow! 

Sec. Com. Why, sir, cobble* you. 
Flav. Thou art a cobbler, art thou? 
Sec. Com. Truly, sir, all that I live by is with 
the awl : I meddle with no trademan's matters, 
nor women's matters, but with awl.f I am, 
indeed, sir, a surgeon to old shoes; when they 30 
are in great danger, I re-cover 1 them. As 
proper* men as ever trod upon neat's-leather* 
have gone upon my handiwork. 10 

Flav. But wherefore art not in thy shop to- 
day? 
Why dost thou lead these men about the 
streets? 



'comparison 
with 



straightfor- 
wardly 

z a pun on 
"souls" 
^worthless 

5 do not quarrel 
6 i. e. at heels. 
a play on the 
word "out." 



7 a quibble =(1) 
to cover again 
and (2) to 
bring back to 
health 

8 fine 

*ox hide 

l0 workmanship 



* A cobbler ■■ 
quibble. Cf. 



a clumsy mender, a botcher. The word is here used with a 



Cobbling extends a thousand ways, 
Some cobble shoes, some cobble plays. 

Lloyd's Cobbler of Tessington. 
t Awl. A shoemaker's tool. For the play on the word with ' 'all," cf . 
the ancient ballad, The Three Merry Cobblers: 

We have ' ( awle" at our command, 
And still we are on the mending hand. 



Scene I] 



JULIUS CAESAR 



75 



Sec. Com. Truly, sir, to wear out their shoes, 
to get myself into more work. But, indeed, 
sir, we make holiday to see Csesar, and to re- 40 
joice in his triumph. 

Mar. Wherefore rejoice? What conquest 
brings he home? 
What tributaries follow him to Rome, 
To grace in captive bonds his chariot-wheels? 
You blocks, you stones, you worse than sense- 
less things! 
O you hard hearts, you cruel men of Rome, 
Knew you not Pompey? Many a time and oft 
Have you climbed up to walls and battlements, 
To towers and windows, yea, to chimney-tops, 
Your infants in your arms, and there have sat 50 
The live-long day, with patient expectation, 
To see great Pompey pass 1 the streets of Rome : 
And when you saw his chariot but 2 appear, 
Have you not made an universal shout, 
That Tiber trembled underneath her banks, 
To hear z the replication 4 of your sounds 
Made in her concave 5 shores? 
And do you now put on your best attire? 
And do you now cull out a holiday?* 
And do you now strew flowers in his way 60 

That* comes in triumph over Pompey's blood? 
Be gone! 

Run to your houses, fall upon your knees, 
Pray to the gods to intermit 7 the plague 
That needs must light* on this ingratitude. 

Flav. Go, go, good countrymen, and, for this fault, 
Assemble all the poor men of your sort; 9 
Draw them to Tiber 10 banks, and weep 11 your tears 
Into the channel, till the lowest stream 
Do kiss the most exalted shores of all.f 70 

[Exeunt Commoners. 



x pass through 
2 but his chariot 



3 at hearing 

A echo 

b hollow 



6 who 



Idelay 
»fall 



^station or rank 
10 an adjective 
u shed 



* Cull out a holiday; choose to-day for a holiday: French cueillir — to 
pick or gather. 

t Till your tears so fill the stream at its lowest that it reaches the top of 
the banks. 



76 



JULIUS CAESAR 



[Act I 



See, whether 1 their basest metal 2 be not moved; 
They vanish tongue-tied in their guiltiness. 
Go you down that way towards the Capitol; 
This way will I : disrobe the images, 3 
If you do find them deck'd with ceremonies.* 

Mar. May we do so? 
You know it is the feast of Lupercal. 5 

Flav. It is no matter; let no images 
Be hung with Caesar's trophies. 6 I'll about, 1 
And drive away the vulgar* from the streets : 
So do you too, where you perceive them thick. 
These growing feathers pluck'd from Caesar's 

wing 
Will make him fly an ordinary pitch, 9 * 
Who else 10 would soar above the view of men, 
And keep us all in servile fearfulness. 11 

[Exeunt. 

Scene II. A Public Place. 

Flourish. Enter Cesar; Antony, for the 
course;^ Calpurnia, Portia, Dectus, 
Cicero, Brutus, Cassius, and Casca; 
a great crowd following, among them a 
Soothsayer. 
Cws. Calpurnia! 

Casca. Peace, ho! Caesar speaks. 

[Music ceases. 
Cobs. Calpurnia! 

Cal. Here, my lord. 

Cobs. Stand you directly in Antonius , way, 
When he doth run his course. f Antonius! 
Ant. Caesar, my lord? 
Cces. Forget not, in your speed, Antonius, 
To touch Calpurnia; for our elders say, 



80 



l a monosyllable 
Hemper 



3 i. e. of Caesar 

^religious orna- 
ments 

5 a festivalin 
honor of 
Pan, cele- 
brated Feb. 
15th 

6 with diadems 
on their 
heads as 
tokens of 
C cesar's 
victories 

7 go here and 
there 

Hhe common 
people 

^flight 

^otherwise 

n terror 






* I. e. this check will bring him down to his proper level. 

\ I.e. the course of the Luperci round the city wall. ' 'That day there are 
divers noblemen's sons, young men (and some of them magistrates themselves, 
that govern then), which run naked through the city, striking in sport them 
they meet in their way with leather thongs" (made of the skins of goats which 
had been sacrificed). — North's Plutarch, Skeat's Ed., p. 95. (See note, p. 164). 



Scene II] 



JULIUS CiESAR 



77 



The barren, touched in this holy chase, 
Shake off their sterile curse. 1 

Ant. I shall remember: 

When Caesar says, "Do this," it is perform'd. 10 
Cces. Set on; 2 and leave no ceremony out. 

[Music. 
Sooth. Caesar! 
Cces. Ha! Who calls? 

Casca. Bid every noise be still : peace yet again ! 
Cces. Who is it in the press 3 that calls on me? 
I hear a tongue, shriller than all the music, 
Cry "Caesar!" Speak; Caesar is turn , d i to hear. 
Sooth. Beware the ides 5 of March. 
Cces. What man is that? 

Bru. A soothsayer bids you beware the ides 

of March. 
Cces. Set him before me; let me see his face. 20 
Cas. Fellow, come from the throng; look 

upon Caesar. 
Cces. What say'st thou to me now? Speak 

once again. 
Sooth. Beware the ides of March. 
Cces. He is a dreamer; let us leave him: pass. 

[Sennet. 6 
[Exeunt all but Brutus and Cassius. 
Cas. Will you go see the order of the course? 
Bru. Not I. 
Cas. I pray you, do. 

Bru. I am not gamesome: 7 I do lack some part 
Of that quick spirit* that is in Antony. 
Let me not hinder, Cassius, your desires; 30 

I'll leave you. 

Cas. Brutus, I do observe you now of late: 
I have not from your eyes that gentleness 
And show 9 of love, as 10 I was wont to have: 
You bear too stubborn and too strange a hand 
Over your friend that loves you.* 



Hhe curse of 
barrenness 



proceed 



Hhrong 

Hums 
Hhe 15 th 



6 a sounding of 
trumpets 



ifond of sports 
^liveliness 



8 demonstration 
l0 which 



* You treat your old friend too roughly, as though he were a mere stranger, 
as a horseman curbs a strange horse. 



78 



JULIUS C^SAR 



[Act I 



Bru. Cassius, 

Be not deceiv'd: if I have veiFd my look 
I turn the trouble of my countenance 
Merely 1 upon myself.* Vexed 2 I am 
Of late, with passions of some difference, 3 40 

Conceptions* only proper to myself,* 
Which give some soil, 6 perhaps, to 6 my be- 
haviours; 1 
But let not therefore my good friends be 

grieved, — 
Among which number, Cassius, be you one — 
Nor construe any further my neglect, 
Than that poor Brutus, with himself at war, 
Forgets the shows of love to other men. 
Cos. Then, Brutus, I have much mistook 

your passion; 8 
By means whereof, 9 this breast of mine hath 

buried 
Thoughts of great value, worthy cogitations.™ 50 
Tell me, good Brutus, can you see your face? 
Bru. No, Cassius; for the eye sees not itself, 
But by reflection, by 11 some other things. 

Cas. 'Tis just: 1 * 
And it is very much lamented, 13 Brutus, 
That you have no such mirrors as will turn 1 * 
Your hidden worthiness into your eye, 
That you might see your shadow. 15 I have 

heard, 
Where 16 many of the best 17 respect in Rome, — 
Except immortal Caesar, — speaking of Brutus 60 
And groaning underneath this age's yoke, 
Have wish'd that noble Brutus had his eyes. 18 
Bru. Into what dangers would you lead me, 

Cassius, 
That you would have me seek into myself 
For that which is not in me? 
Cas. Therefore, good Brutus, be prepared to 

hear: 



Entirely 

2 a dissyllable 

Conflicting 
feelings 

Hhoughts 

Hhat concern 
myself alone 

6 mar somewhat 

1 outward con- 
duct 



8 realfeelings 

Q and on that 

account 
10 reflections 



n by the aid of 
12 that's so 
l3 to be lamented 
^reflect 



15 reflection 

l6 how that 
11 held in the 



l8 could see him- 
self aright 



* If I have worn a clouded brow, my looks are but the index to my own 
troubled heart. 



Scene II] 



JULIUS C^SAR 



79 



And, since you know you cannot see yourself 

So well as by reflection, I, your glass, 

Will modestly discover to yourself 

That of 1 yourself which you yet know not of 70 

And be not jealous on 2 me, gentle Brutus: 

Were I a common laugher, 8 or did use 4 ' 

To stale 5 with ordinary oaths my love 

To every new protester; 6 if you know 

That I do fawn on men, and hug them hard, 

And after scandal 1 them; or if you know 

That I profess myself, 8 in banqueting, 

To all the rout, 9 then hold 10 me dangerous. 

[Flourish and shout. 

Bru. What means this shouting? I do fear, 
the people 
Choose Caesar for their king. 

Cas. Ay, do you fear it? 80 

Then must I think you would not have it so? 

Bru. I would not, Cassius; yet I love him 
well. 
But wherefore do you hold me here so long? 
What is it that you would impart to me? 
If it be aught toward the general good, 11 
Set honour in 12 one eye, and death i' the other, 
And I will look on both indifferently; 13 
For, let the gods so speed me, 14 as I love 
The name of honour more than I fear death. 

Cas. I know that virtue to be in you, Brutus, 90 
As well as I do know your outward favour. 15 
Well, honour is the subject of my story. 
I cannot tell what you and other men 
Think of this life; but for my single self, 
I had as lief 16 not be, as live to be 
In awe of such a thing as I myself. 
I was born free as Caesar; so were you: 
We both have fed as well; and we can both 
Endure the winter's cold as well as he: 
For once, upon a raw and gusty day, 100 

The troubled Tiber chafing with her shores^ 1 
Caesar said to me, "Darest thou, Cassius, now 



^bout 

2 suspicious 
about 

3 jester 

A were I wont 

5 make cheap 

6 new person 
who protested 
his love for 
me 

7 abuse 

s make profes- 
sions of af- 
fection 

Q noisy com- 
pany, mob 

l0 consider. Cf. 
Latin teneo 
and habeo 



u that makes for 
the common 
welfare 

12 full in the view 

of 
13 impartially 
u so help me 

heaven 
15 appearance 



n would as 
willingly 
{pronounced 
"lieve" to 
bring out the 
play on 
''live") 

^angrily buffet- 
ing her banks 



80 



JULIUS CJESAR 



[Act I 



Leap in with me into this angry flood, 

And swim to yonder point V Upon the word, 1 

Accoutred 2 as I was, I plunged 3 in, 

And bade him follow; so, indeed, he did. 

The torrent roar'd; and we did buffet it 

With lusty 4 sinews, throwing it aside, 

And stemming it, with hearts of controversy: 5 

But ere we could arrive 6 the point proposed, 110 

Caesar cried, "Help me, Cassius, or I sink!" 

I, as iEneas, our great ancestor, 

Did from the flames of Troy upon his shoulder 

The old Anchises bear, so from the waves of 

Tiber 
Did I the tired Caesar: and this man 
Is now become a god; and Cassius is 
A wretched creature, and must bend his body, 7 
If Caesar carelessly but nod on him. 
He had a fever when he was in Spain, 
And, when the fit was on him, I did mark 120 
How he did shake : 'tis true, this god did shake : 
His coward lips did from their colour fly, 8 
And, that same eye whose bend 9 doth awe the 

world 
Did lose his 10 lustre: I did hear him groan: 
Ay, and that tongue of his, that bade the 

Romans 
Mark 11 him and write his speeches in their 

books, 
Alas, it cried, "Give me some drink, Titinius," 
As a sick girl. Ye gods! it doth amaze me, 
A man of such feeble a temper 12 should 
So get the start of 13 the majestic world 130 

And bear the palm 14 alone. 

[Flourish and shout. 
Bru. Another general shout! 
I do believe that these applauses are 
For some new honours that are heap'd on 

Caesar. 
Cas. Why, man, he doth bestride the narrow 

world 



ho, instantly 
2 clad , 

3 a dissyllable 



A stout 

^courage eager 
for the fray 
6 sc. at 



''make a rever- 
ence 



8 went pale 
Hook 



l0 its 



Hook up to, 
observe 



12 temperament 

13 outpace 

l4 prize 



Scene II] 



JULIUS CJESAR 



81 



Like a Colossus; and we petty men 
Walk under his huge legs, and peep about 
To find ourselves dishonourable graves. 
Men at some time are masters of their fates: 
The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars, 1 140 
But in ourselves, that we are underlings, 2 
Brutus, and Caesar: what should be z in that 

"Caesar"? 
Why should that name be sounded 4 ' more than 

yours? 
Write them together, yours is as fair a name; 
Sound them, it doth become the mouth as well; 
Weigh them, it is as heavy; conjure with 'em, s 
Brutus will start a spirit as soon as Caesar. 
Now, in the names of all the gods at once, 
Upon what meat doth this our Caesar feed, 
That he is grown so great? Age, 6 thou art 

shamed! 150 

Rome, thou hast lost the breed of noble bloods! 
When went there by an age since the great 

flood, 7 
But it was famed 8 with more than with one 

man? 
When could they say, till now, that talk'd of 

Rome, 
That her wide walls encompass' d but one man? 
Now is it Rome indeed, and room 9 enough, 
When there is in it but one only man. 
O, you and I have heard our fathers say, 
There was a Brutus once that would have 

brook'd 10 
Th' eternal 11 devil to keep his state 12 in Rome 160 
As easily as a king. 

Bru. That you do love me, I am nothing 

jealous; 14 
What you would work me to, I have some aim: 15 
How I have thought of this and of these times, 
I shall recount hereafter; for this present 16 
I would not, so 17 with love I might entreat you, 



M — I. e. he would as soon have the devil for ruler as to ha.vea.Mng 



Hhe stars under 
which we 
were born 

2 serfs 

z can there be 

4 uttered 



b use them for 
invocations 



"our genera- 
tion 



7 see page 165 
B made famous 



by 



8 a play on the 
word Rome 



^yielded to 

n damned 

12 maintain his 
dignity 

l4 I in no wise 
doubt your 
love for me 

n idea 

16 sc. time 
l7 if 



82 



JULIUS CJESAR 



[Act I 



Be any further moved. What you have said, 
I will consider; what you have to say, 
I will with patience hear, and find a time 
Both meet to hear, and answer, such high 

things. 170 

Till then, my noble friend, chew 1 upon this: 
Brutus had rather be a villager, 
Than to repute 2 himself a son of Rome 
Under these hard conditions as z this time 
Is like to lay upon us. 

Cas. I am glad that my weak words 
Have struck but thus much show 4 of fire from 
Brutus. 
Bru. The games are done, and Caesar is re- 
turning. 
Cas. As they pass by, pluck Casca by the 
sleeve; 
And he will, after his sour fashion, tell you 180 
What hath proceeded* worthy 6 note to-day. 

Re-enter Cesar and his Train. 

Bru. I will do so. — But, look you, Cassius, 
The angry spot doth glow on Caesar's brow, 
And all the rest look like a chidden train: 

Calpurnia's cheek is pale; and Cicero 
Looks with such ferret 7 and such fiery eyes 
As we have seen him in the Capitol, 
Being 9 cross'd in conference by some senators. 

Cas. Casca will tell us what the matter is. 

Cms. Antonius! 190 

Ant. Caesar? 

Cces. Let me have men about me that are 
fat; 
Sleek-headed men, and such as sleep o' nights. 9 
Yond 10 Cassius has a lean and hungry look; 
He thinks too much: such men are dangerous.* 



l ponder 

Hhan repute 
3 which 



^demonstration 



6 sc. of 



7 the ferret's eyes 
are red 

s when 



*at night 
l0 that 



*Cf. North's Plutarch, where Caesar says: — " 'As for those fat men and 
smooth-combed heads, quoth he, I never reckon of them; but these pale- 
visaged and carrion lean people, I fear them most;' meaning Brutus and 
Cassius." P. 97. 



Scene II] 



JULIUS CiESAR 



83 



Ant. Fear him not, Caesar, he's not dangerous : 
He is a noble Roman and well given. 1 

Cces. 'Would he were fatter ! — but I fear him not : 
Yet if my name 2 were liable to fear, 
I do not know the man I should avoid 200 

So soon as that spare Cassius. He reads much; 
He is a great observer and he looks 
Quite 3 through the deeds of men; he loves no 

plays, 
As thou dost, Antony; he hears no music;* 
Seldom* he smiles, and smiles in such a sort, 5 
As if he mocked himself, and scorned his spirit 
That could be moved to smile at anything. 
Such men as he be 6 never at heart's ease 7 
Whiles* they behold a greater than themselves; 
And therefore are they very dangerous. 210 

I rather tell thee what is to be fear'd 
Than what I fear; for always I am Caesar. 
Come on my right hand, for this ear is deaf, 9 
And tell me truly what thou think' st of him. 
[Sennet Exeunt Caesar and all 
his Train but Casca. 

Casca. You pull'd me by the cloak; would 
you speak with me? 

Bru. Ay, Casca; tell us what hath chanced™ 
to-day, 
That Caesar looks so sad. 11 

Casca. Why, you were with him, were you 
not? 

Bru. I should not then ask Casca what hath 
chanced. 

Casca. Why, there was a crown offered him; 220 
and, being offered him, he put it by with the 
back of his hand, thus: and then the people 
fell a-shouting. 



2 L CcBsar 



hight 



4 emphaticfrom 

its position 
5 way 
6 are 

''ease of heart 
^whilst 



Q CoBsaris 
mortal after 
all. This de- 
tail is not 
historical 



l0 taken place 
u serious 



* Cf. Merchant of Venice, V. i. 83-5:— 

The man that hath no music in himself, 

Nor is not moved with concord of sweet sounds, 

Is fit fcr treasons, stratagems, and spoils. 

Shakespeare evidently thought such men dangerous. 



84 



JULIUS CAESAR 



[Act I 






Bru. What was the second noise for? 

Casca. Why, for that too. 

Cas. They snouted thrice: what was the last 
cry for? 

Casca. Why, for that too. 

Bru. Was the crown offered him thrice? 

Casca. Ay, marry, 1 was't, and he put it by 
thrice, every time gentler, 2 than other; 3 and 230 
at every putting-by, mine honest* neighbours 
shouted. 

Cas. Who offered him the crown? 

Casca. Why, Antony. 

Bru. Tell us the manner of it, 5 gentle Casca. 

Casca. I can as well be hanged as tell the 
manner of it: it was mere foolery; I did not 
mark it. I saw Mark Antony offer him a 
crown; — yet 'twas not a crown neither, 6 'twas 
one of these coronets; — and, as I told you, he 
put it by once: but, for all that, to my think- 240 
ing, he would fain 7 have had it. Then he 
offered it to him again; then he put it by 
again; but, to my thinking, he was very loath 
to lay* his fingers off it. And then he offered it 
the third time; he put it the third time by: 
and still 9 as he refused it, the rabblement 10 
shouted, and clapped their chapped 11 hands, and 
threw up their sweaty night-caps, and uttered 
such a deal of foul breath, because Caesar re- 
fused the crown, that it had almost choked 250 
Caesar; for he swounded, 12 and fell down at it. 
And for mine own part, I durst not laugh, 
for fear of opening my lips and receiving the 
bad air. 

Cas. But, soft, I pray you: what! did 
Caesar swound? 

Casca. He fell down in the market-place, 13 
and foamed at mouth, and was speechless. 
Bru. 'Tis very like : he hath the falling-sick- 
ness. 141 
Cas. No, Caesar hath it not; but you, and I, 



l by the Virgin 
Mary 

Hn a more 
reluctant 
manner 

3 sc. the 

^worthy {con- 
temptuous) 

5 how it hap- 
pened 



1 either 



^willingly (also 
used as an 
adjective) 

Hake 

*ever 

1( >rabble("m(mt" 
is here a con- 
temptuous 
suffix) 

n another read- 
ing is chopt, 
i. e., split 
with work 

12 another read- 
ing is 
"swooned" 



l3 i. e. the Forum 
u epilepsy 



Scene II] 



JULIUS CvESAK 



85 



And honest Casca, we have the falling-sickness. 260 

Casca. I know not what you mean by that; 
but I am sure, Caesar fell down. If the tag-rag 
people 1 did not clap him, and hiss him, accord- 
ing as he pleased and displeased them, as they 
use 2 to do the players in the theatre, I am no 
true 3 man. 

Bru. What said he when he came unto himself? 

Casca. Marry,* before he fell down, when he 
perceived the common herd was glad he refused 
the crown, he plucked me ope 5 his doublet, and 270 
offered them his throat to cut. An 6 I had 
been a man of any occupation, 7 if I would not 
have taken him at a 8 word, I would I might go 
to hell among the rogues. And so he fell. 
When he came to himself again, he said, if he 
had done or said anything amiss, he desired 
their worships to think it was his infirmity. 
Three or four wenches, where I stood, cried, 
"Alas, good soul!" and forgave him with all 
their hearts; but there's no heed to be taken 280 
of them; if Caesar had stabbed their mothers, 
they would have done no less. 

Bru. And after that, he came, thus sad* 
away? 

Casca. Ay. 

Cos. Did Cicero say anything? 

Casca. Ay, he spoke Greek.* 

Cas. To what effect? 

Casca. Nay, an 6 I tell you that, I'll ne'er 
look you i' the face again; but those that 
understood him smiled at one another, and 290 
shook their heads; but for mine own part, 
it was Greek to rae. 10 t I could tell you more 



babble. Cf. 
1 'tag, rag, 
and bobtail" 
in the same 
sense 

2 are wont 

Hruthful. Cf. 
our expres- 
sion l 'a good 
man and 
true" 

4 Cf. I. ii. 229 

H saw him 
pluck open. 
"Me" is an 
instance of 
the so-called 
Ethic Dative 

Hf 

7 <z "workman" 
— in the two- 
fold meaning 
of mechanic 
and man of 
action 



10 it was gibberish 
to me. I could 
make neither 
head nor tail 
of it 



* North's Plutarch, speaking of Cicero, says: 'They commonly called him 
the Grecian and scholer, which are two words the artificers (and such base 
mechanicall people at Rome) have ever ready at their tongue's end. " (Life of 
Cicero, p. 861). 

t But North's Plutarch (p. 119, Skeat's Ed.) says: c 'Casca on the other side 
cried in Greek, and called his brother to help him.'' So Casca must be feigning 
ignorance of Greek to emphasize the foolery. 



86 



JULIUS CAESAR 



[Act I 



r 1 



news too: Marullus and Flavius, for pulling 
scarfs off Caesar's images, are put to silence.* 
Fare you well. There was more foolery yet, 
if I could remember it. 

Cas. Will you sup with me to-night, Casca? 

Casca. No, I am promised forth. x 

Cas. Will you dine with me to-morrow? 

Casca. Ay, if I be alive, and your mind 300 
hold, and your dinner 2 worth the eating. 

Cas. Good: I will expect you. 

Casca. Do so. Farewell, both. [Exit. 

Bru. What a blunt fellow is this grown to 
be! 
He was quick mettle 2 when he went to school. 

Cas. So is he now, in execution 
Of any bold or noble enterprise, 
However* he puts on this tardy form. 5 
This rudeness is a sauce to his good wit, 
Which gives men stomach 6 to digest his words 310 
With better appetite. 

Bru. And so it is. 1 For this time I will 
leave you: 
To-morrow, if you please to speak with me, 
I will come home to you; or, if you will, 
Come home to me, and I will wait for you. 

Cas. I will do so: till then, think of the 
world. 9 

[Exit Brutus. 
Well, Brutus, thou art noble; yet I see 
Thy honourable metal 9 may be wrought 
From that it is disposed: 10 therefore, it is meet 
That noble minds keep ever with their likes; 320 
For who so firm that cannot be seduced? 11 
Caesar doth bear me hard; 12 but he loves 

Brutus : 
If I were Brutus now, and he 13 were Cassius, 
He should not humour 14 me. I will this night, 



Engaged out 
2 sc. be 

3 full of spirit 



^albeit 

^apparent slow- 
ness 

^digestive power, 
hence willing- 
ness 

7 just so 



8 state of things 

9 temperament 
10 turnedfromit8 

present 

nature 
n led astray 
12 bear me ill will 

Cf. II. i. 215 
13 obviously 

Brutus, 

though some 

take it for 

C&sar 
u wheedle 



* Cf . North's Plutarch(p. 96, Skeat's Ed.) : ' 'Caesar was so offended withal, 
that he deprived Marullus and Flavius of their tribuneships," 



Scene III] 



JULIUS CJESAR 



87 



In several hands, 1 in at his 2 windows throw, 
As if they came from several citizens, 
Writings, all tending to the great opinion 
That Rome holds of his name; wherein ob- 
scurely 
Caesar's ambition shall be glanced 3 at: 
And after this, let Caesar seat him sure;* 330 

For we will shake him, or worse days endure. 

Exit. 

Scene III. The same. A Street. 

Thunder and lightning. Enter, from opposite sides 
Casca, with his sword drawn, and Ciceko. 
Cic. Good even, Casca: brought you 5 * Caesar 

home? 
Why are you breathless? and why stare you 

so? 
Casca. Are you not moved, when all the 

sway of earth 6 
Shakes like a thing unfirm? 7 Cicero! 
I have seen tempests, when the scolding winds 
Have rived 8 the knotty oaks, and I have seen 
The ambitious ocean swell, and rage, and 

foam, 
To be exalted with 9 the threatening clouds: 
But never till to-night, never till now, 
Did I go through a tempest dropping fire. 10 
Either there is a civil strife in heaven, 
Or else the world, too saucy 10 with the gods, 
Incenses them to send destruction. 
Cic. Why, saw you anything more 11 wonder- 
ful? 
Casca. A common 12 slave — you know him 

well by sight — 
Held up his left hand, which did flame, and 

burn 
Like twenty torches join'd, and yet his hand, 



handwritings 
Cf. our "to 
write a good 
hand" 

2 i. e. Brutus 1 

z a dissyllable; 
hinted at 

4 himself firmly 



*did you see (as 
we say) 



8 steady-moving 

earth 
''unsteady 
8 split 



Hn its attempt 
to tower up to 



^insolent 

u i. e. even more 



12 public 



* The word ' 'bring" now implies conducting to the place where the speaker 
is; but cf. Richard II., I. iv. 2: — 

How far brought you high Hereford on his way? 



88 



JULIUS CJESAK 



[Act I 



Not sensible of 1 fire, remain'd unscorch'd. 
Besides, — I ha' not since put up my sword, — 
Against the Capitol I met a lion, 20 

Who glared 2 upon me, and went surly by, 
Without annoying me: and there were drawn 3 
Upon a heap* a hundred ghastly women, 
Transformed* with their fear, who swore they 

saw 
Men, all in fire, walk up and down the streets. 
And yesterday the bird of night* did sit 
Even at noon-day upon the market-place, 6 
Hooting and shrieking. When these prodigies 
Do so conjointly 7 meet, let not men say, 
"These are their reasons , 8 — they are natural;" 30 
For, I believe, they are portentous things 9 
Unto the climate 10 that they point upon. 11 

Cic. Indeed, it is a stranger-disposed 13 time: 
But men may construe things after their fashion, 
Clean 1 * from 1 * the purpose of the things themselves. 
Comes Caesar to the Capitol to-morrow? 

Casca. He doth; for he did bid Antonius 
Send word to you, he would be there to-morrow. 

Cic. Good night, then, Casca: this dis- 
turbed 16 sky 
Is not to 17 walk in. 

Casca. Farewell, Cicero. [Exit Cicero. 40 
Enter Cassius. 

Cas. Who's there? 

Casca. A Roman. 

Cas. Casca, by your voice. 

Casca. Your ear is good. Cassius, what 18 
night is this! 

Cas. A very pleasing night to honest men. 

Casca. Who ever knew the heavens menace 19 
so? 



Sensitive to 



Hhe lion is re~ 
garded almost 
as a man; 
therefore 
"who" is 
used for 
"which" 

Assembled 

4 all crowded to- 
gether 

Hrisyllable 

Hhe Forum 

^together 

Hheir reasons 
are so and so 

Hhings of evil 
omen 

10 district 

u at 

^strangely 

^trisyllable 

u quite, alto- 
gether. Cf. 
our colloquial 
phrases, l 'It 
clean escaped 
my memory," 
1 l I clean for- 
got it" 

15 contraryto;Cf. 
I. ii. 319 

^trisyllable 

11 'fit to 

lS what a 



10 threaten 



• Owl — A. S. ule; Latin ululare, to "howl." Its cries were of evil omen 
to the Romans. Cf . Sandys' translation of Ovid, Metam. Bk. X. : — ■ 
The funerall owle thrice rent 
The ayre with ominous shrieks : yet on she went. 
Dryden also speaks of "thefun'ral owl." 



Scene III] 



JULIUS C^ISAE 



89 



Cas. Those that have known the earth so 

full of faults. 
For my part, I have walk'd about the streets 
Submitting me unto the perilous night, 
And, thus unbraced, 1 Casca, as you see, 
Have bared my bosom to the thunder-stone; 2 
And, when the cross 3 blue lightning seem'd to 

open 50 

The breast of heaven, I did present myself 
Even in the aim* and very flash of it. 
Casca. But wherefore did you so much tempt 

the heavens? 
It is the part of men to fear and tremble, 
When the most mighty gods, by tokens, send 
Such dreadful heralds to astonish us. 

Cas. You are dull, Casca; and those sparks 

of life 
That should be in a Roman, you do want 
Or else you use not. You look pale, and gaze, 
And put on 5 fear, and cast yourself in 6 wonder, 60 
To see 7 the strange impatience of the heavens : 
But if you would consider the true cause 
Why all these fires, why all these gliding 

ghosts, 
Why birds and beasts from 5 quality 9 and 

kind; 10 * 
Why old men fool 11 and children calculate, 12 
Why all these things change, from their ordi- 
nance, 13 
Their natures and preformed 14 faculties, 
To monstrous quality, 15 why, you shall find 
That heaven hath infused them with these 

spirits, 
To make them instruments of fear and warning 70 
Unto 1 * some monstrous state. 17 
Now could I, Casca, name to thee a man 
Most like this dreadful night, 



l a trisyllable: 
unbuttoned; 
another 
anachron- 
ism. Cf. I. 
ii.270arccttl. 
i. 262 

Hhunderbolt 

3 forked 

^course, 
direction 



in, i. e.,feel 
Hhrow yourself 
into a state of 
7 at seeing 
^contrary to 
^nature 
10 their species 
n act like fools 
12 prophesy 
13 contrary 
to their ordi- 
nary state 
u predestined 
lh an unnatural 

disposition 
l6 of 

17 unnatural 
state of things 



* There is an easily understood ellipse here which is made plain two lines 
later. Supply after "kind" something like "present themselves to us." 



90 



JULIUS CJESAR 



[Act I 



That thunders, lightens, opens graves, and 

roars 
As doth the lion in the Capitol, 
A man no mightier than thyself, or me, 
In personal action, yet prodigious 1 grown 
And fearful, as these strange eruptions 2 are. 

Casca. 'Tis Caesar that you mean; is it not, 
Cassius? 

Cas. Let it be who it is:* for Romans now 80 
Have thews 4 and limbs like to their ancestors; 
But, woe the while! 5 our fathers* minds are dead, 
And we are govern'd with 6 our mothers' spirits; 
Our yoke and sufferance 7 show us womanish. 

Casca. Indeed, they say the senators to- 
morrow 
Mean to establish Caesar as a king: 
And he shall 9 wear his crown by sea and land, 
In every place, save here in Italy. 

Cas. I know where I will wear this dagger 9 
then; 
Cassius from bondage will deliver Cassius: 90 
Therein,™ ye gods, you make the weak most 

strong; 
Therein, ye gods, you tyrants do defeat: 
Nor 11 stony tower, nor walls of beaten brass, 
Nor airless dungeon, nor strong links of iron, 
Can be retentive to 12 the strength of spirit; 
But life, being 13 weary of these worldly bars, 
Never lacks power to dismiss itself. 
If I know this, know all the world 14 besides, 
That 1 * part of tyranny that I do bear 
I can shake off at pleasure. [Thunder still. 

Casca. So can I: 100 

So every bondman in his own hand bears 
The power to cancel 16 his captivity. 

Cas. And why should Caesar be a tyrant, 
then? 
Poor man! I know, he would not be a wolf, 
But that he sees the Romans are but sheep: 
He were 17 no lion, were not Romans hinds. 19 



portentous 
disturbances 
of nature 

z no need to say 
who; I won't 
say who 

^muscles 

6 alas for the 
present age! 

*by 

7 patience 

Hs to 



*he means he 
will bury itin 
his own body; 
a play on the 
word "wear" 

10 by giving men 
the power to 
end their own 
lives 

lh neither 

^restrain 

13 when 

Het all the 
world know 

15 sc. that, 
omitted for 
euphony's 
sake 

l6 free himself 
from (as a 
bondsman 
frees himself 
by cancelling 
his bonds) 
l7 would be 
^female deer 



Scene III] 



JULIUS C^SAR 



91 



Those that with haste will make a mighty fire, 
Begin it with weak straws: what trash 1 is 

Rome, 
What rubbish, and what offal, 2 when it serves 
For the base matter 3 to illuminate 110 

So vile a thing as Caesar! But, O grief, 
Where hast thou led me? I, perhaps, speak 

this 
Before a willing bondman: then I know 
My answer must be made;* but I am arm'd, 
And dangers are to me indifferent. 
Casca. You speak to Casca; and to such a 
man 
That 5 is no fleering 6 tell-tale. Hold, my hand: 7 
Be factious 8 for redress of all these griefs, 9 
And I will set this foot of mine as far 
As who 10 goes farthest. 

Cas. There's a bargain made. 120 

Now know you, Casca, I have moved already 
Some certain of the noblest-minded Romans 
To undergo 11 with me an enterprise 
Of honourable-dangerous 12 consequence; 
And I do know, by this 13 they stay for me 
In Pompey's porch : for now, this fearful night, 
There is no stir 1 * or walking in the streets; 
And the complexion of the element 15 
In favour V 6 like the work we have in hand, 
Most bloody, fiery, and most terrible. 130 

Casca. Stand close 17 awhile, for here comes 

one in haste. 
Cas. 'Tis Cinna; I do know him by his 
gait: 18 
He is a friend. 

Enter Cinna. 
Cinna, where haste you so? 
Cin. To find out you 19 Who's that? Metellus 

Cimber? 
Cas. No, it is Casca; one incorporate 
To™ our attempts. Am I not stay'd 21 for, 
Cinna? 



Worthless stuff 

2 refuse 

3 material 



4 J shall be held 
answerable, 
i. e. respon- 
sible for my 
words 

5 who (or as) 

°mocking 

7 come; here's 
my hand up- 
on it 

s work actively 

^grievances. 



10 the man who 

n undertake 

12 honorably 

dangerous 
13 this time 
u either a verb, 

1 'stirring" 

or a noun, 

"bustle" 
15 aspect of the 

sky 
^appearance. 

Cf. I. ii. 91 
17 either 

"hidden" or 

"quiet" 
l9 walk 



™you out 

^associated 

with 
21 waited 



92 



JULIUS CvESAK 



[Act I 



Cin. I am glad on 1 't. What a fearful night 
is this! 
There 's 2 two or three of us have seen strange 
sights. 
Cas. Am I not stay'd 3 for? Tell me. 
Cin. Yes, you are. 

O Cassius, if you could 140 

But win the noble Brutus to our party — 
Cas. Be you content: 41 Good Cinna, take this 
paper, 
And look you lay it in the praetor's chair,* 
Where Brutus may but 5 find it; and throw this 
In at his window; set this up with wax 
Upon old Brutus' 6 f statue: all this done, 
Repair to Pompey's porch, where you shall 

find us. 
7s 7 Decius* Brutus and Trebonius there? 

Cin. All but Metellus Cimber ; and he's gone 
To seek you at your house. Well, I will hie, 9 150 
And so bestow these papers as you bade me. 
Cas. That done, repair to Pompey's theatre. 

[Exit Cinna. 
Come, Casca, you and I will yet, ere day, 
See Brutus at his house: three parts 10 of him 
Is 10 ours already; and the man entire 
Upon the next encounter yields him 11 ours. 
Casca. O, he sits high in all the people's 
hearts: 
And that which would appear offence in us, 
His countenance, like richest alchemy, 12 
Will change to virtue and to worthiness. 160 

Cas. Him, and his worth, and our great need 
of him, 
You have right well conceited. 13 Let us go, 
For it is after midnight; and, ere day, 
We will awake him, and be sure of him. 

[Exeunt. 



'of 

2 are 

hoaited 



b only Brutus 
may 

6 i. e. his an- 
cestor, Junius 

7 are 

s should be 
"Decimus." 
In the second 
edition(1565) 
of AmyoVs 
translation of 
Plutarch this 
correction is 
made 

^hasten 

10 a three-fourth 
part. The 
idea is really 
singular, and 
therefore we 
have "is" 

n will yield him- 
self 

12 the science of 
the alchemist, 
who could 
transmute 
base metals 
into gold 

13 judged. Cf. 
III. i. 192 



* The sella curulis, or chair of state, in which the praetor sat when he ad- 
ministered justice. 
t See Notes, p. 167. 



Scene I] 



JULIUS CiESAB 



93 



ACT II. 

Scene I. Rome. Brutus' Orchard. 

Enter Brutus. 

Bru. What, 1 Lucius, ho! 
I cannot, by the progress 2 of the stars, 
Give guess 3 how near to day. Lucius, I say] 
I would it were my fault to sleep so soundly. 



When, Lucius, when?* 
Lucius! 



awake, I say! What, 



10 



Enter Lucius. 
Luc. Caird you, my lord? 
Bru. Get me a taper in my study, Lucius: 
When it is lighted, come and call me here. 6 
Luc. I will, my lord. [Exit Lucius. 

Bru. It must be by his death: and, for my 
part, 
I know no personal cause to spurn at him, 6 * 
But for the general, f He would be crowned: 
How that might change his nature, there's the 

question: 
It is the bright day that brings 7 forth the adder, 
And that craves wary walking. 8 Crown him? — 

that," 9 
And then, I grant, we put a sting in him, 
That at his will he may do danger 10 with. 
The abuse of greatness is, when it disjoins 
Remorse 11 from power: and, 12 to speak truth of 
Caesar, 



% an exclamation 
of impatience 

^course 

3 a guess 

4 he is more im- 
patient still 



5 come here and 
call me 



6 cast him off 
scornfully 



7 entices 

8 and then one 
must walk 
cautiously 

9 ay! or (( do 
that" 

^mischief 

n pity 

12 still 



* Spurn; intransitive. Cf. Drayton's Barons 1 Wars, Bk. III. : 
But all in vain against her will they spurn; 
Persuasion, threat, nor curse with her prevails. 
The verb now is always transitive. 

f General, for the general cause, i. e., the public cause, the sake of the com- 
munity. Others take ' 'general" here to be a noun meaning "the public/! 
as in Hamlet, II. ii. 457 : — 

For the play, I remember, pleased not the million; 
'Twas caviare to the general — ■ 
though even here the word might be an adjective qualifying "populace" 
understood, the idea being contained in the preceding 'million. ' 



94 



JULIUS CAESAR 



[Act II 



I have not known when his affections sway'd 20 
More than his reason. But 'tis a common 

proof, 1 
That lowliness is young ambition's ladder, 
Whereto the climber-upward turns his face; 
/But when he once attains the upmost round,* 
He then unto the ladder turns his back, 
Looks in the clouds, scorning the base degrees 3 
By which he did ascend. So Csesar may: 
Then, lest he may, prevent.* And, since the 

quarrel 
Will bear no colour for the thing he is, 
Fashion it thus; 5 that what he is augmented, 30 
Would run to these and these 6 extremities: 
And therefore think him as a serpent's egg, 
Which, hatch'd, would, as his kind, 7 grow mis- 
chievous; 
And kill him in the shell. 

Re-enter Lucius. 
Luc. The taper burneth in your closet, sir. 
Searching the window for a flint, I found 

[Giving him a letter. 
This paper, thus seaPd up; and, I am sure 
It did not lie there when I went to bed. 

Bru. Get you to bed again; it is not day. 
Is not to-morrow, boy, the ides of March?* 40 
Luc. I know not, sir. 
Bru. Look in the calendar, and bring me 

word. 
Luc. I will, sir. [Exit Lucius. 



^experience (for 
experience is 
the ultimate 
proof of all 
things) 

2 step (the steps 
of an ordi- 
nary ladder 
are "round") 

Hower steps 

Anticipate him. 
See "Glos- 
sary" 

B i. e. since, if 
Caesar re- 
mains what 
he is at pres- 
ent, we have 
no plausible 
ground of 
complaint 
against him, 
look at it in 
this way 

*such and such 
Cf. I. iii. 30 

''after the man- 
ner of his 
species; or it 
might mean 
' 'according 
to his 

nature" as 
in I. iii. 64 



* The folios read ' 'the 1st of March." This is Theobald's emendation. In 
Plutarch's Life of Brutus, (Skeat's Ed. 113), we have: ' 'Cassius asked him if 
he were determined to be in the senate-house on the first day of the month of 
March." If Shakespeare wrote "the 1st of March," he perhaps had this in 
mind, though it is most probably a transcriber's error, as the word "ides" 
would not be so familiar to him as "1st," and might easily be mistaken in 
copying. Mr. Wright, (in the Clarendon Press edition of Julius Ccesar), feels 
sure that Shakespeare wrote "the first of March." Quoting the above pas- 
sage from Plutarch, he adds: ' 'It is quite possible that from this passage, 'the 
first of March' fixed itself in Shakespeare's mind, although Brutus was think- 
ing of the ides which he had heard the soothsayer warn Caesar against." 



Scene I] 



JULIUS C^SAE 



95 



Bru. The exhalations 1 whizzing in the air 
Give so much light that I may read by them. 
[Opens the letter , and reads. 
"Brutus, thou sleep'st : awake, and see thyself. 
Shall Rome, etc. — Speak, strike, redress! 
Brutus, thou sleep'st: awake!" — 
Such instigations have been often dropp'd 
Where I have took 2 them up. 50 

" Shall Rome, etc." Thus must I piece it out: 3 
Shall Rome stand under one man's awe?* 

What, Rome? 
My ancestors 5 did from the streets of Rome 
The Tarquin drive, when he was call'daking. 
"Speak, strike, redress!" — Am I entreated 
To speak, and strike? O Rome, I make thee 

promise, 
If the redress will follow, thou receiv'st 
Thy full petition at the hand of Brutus! 6 
Re-enter Lucius. 
Luc. Sir, March is wasted fourteen days. 

[Knocking within. 
Bru. 'Tisgood. Go to the gate; somebody 
knocks. 60 

[Exit Lucius. 
Since Cassius first did whet me against Caesar, 
I have not slept. 

Between the acting of a dreadful thing 
And the first motion, 1 all the interim is 
Like a phantasma, 8 or a hideous dream: 
The genius 9 and the mortal instruments 19 
Are then in council; and the state of man, 
Like to a little kingdom, suffers then 
The nature of an 11 insurrection. 

Re-enter Lucius. 
Luc. Sir, 'tis your brother* Cassius at the 
door, 70 

Who doth desire to see you. 

Bru. Is he alone? 



imeteors (sup- 
posed to be 
caused by the 
ignition of a 
dry exhala- 
tion from the 
earth, an ex- 
halation be- 
ing some' 
thing 
breathed 
out,avapor) 

Haken 

3 fill in the gaps 

*be awed by one 
man, or as we 
say, lt stand 
in awe of one 
man" 

s esp. L. Junius 
Brutus 



e. / will do 
all that thou 
askest 



Hmpulse 
e vision, night- 
mare 
^rational spirit 
10 bodily faculties 
ll a sort of 



* Cassius was Brutus' brother-in-law, not brother; he had married Brutus' 
sister, Junia. 



96 



JULIUS C^SAE 



[Act II 



Luc. No, sir, there are moe 1 with him. 

Bru. Do you know them? 

Luc. No, sir; their hats are pluck' d 2 * about 
their ears, 
And half their faces buried in their cloaks, 
That 3 by no means I may discover them* 
By any mark of favour. 5 

Bru. Let 'em enter. [Exit Lucius. 

They are the faction* O conspiracy, 
Sham 'st thou 1 ] to show thy dangerous brow by 

night, 
When evils 9 are most free? O, then, by day, 
Where wilt thou find a cavern dark enough 80 
To mask thy monstrous visage? Seek none, 

conspiracy; 
Hide it in smiles and affability: 
For if thou path, 9 thy native semblance on, 10 
Not Erebus 11 itself were dim enough 
To hide thee from prevention. 12 

Enter Cassius, Casca, Decius, Cinna, Metellus 
Cimber, and Trebonius. 
Cas. I think we are too bold upon 13 your rest: 
Good morrow, 14 Brutus; do we trouble you? 
Bru. I have been up this hour; awake all 
night. 
Know I these men that come along with you? 
Cas. Yes, every man of them; and no 15 man 
here 90 

But honours you; and every one doth wish 
You had but that opinion of yourself 



1 others read 
"more." See 
''Glossary" 

^pulled down 

ho that 

4 make them out 

feature. Cf.l. 
ii. 91 

Conspirators 

7 art thou 
ashamed 
{monosyl- 
lable) 

8 evil things 

9 walk abroad 

^wearing thy 
natural look 

n the Lower 
World 



^detection. 
Others have 
taken the line 
to mean "to 
protect thee 
from hin- 
drance," but 
this seems an 
unnaturally 
forced mean- 
ing here 

13 i. e. in break- 
ing in upon. 
Cf. the phrase 
1 'Out upon 
you," i. e., 
against you 

u morning 

K and there is no 



* Cf. The Winter's Tale, IV. iv. 665, for the meaning of "pluck":— 
Take your sweetheart's hat 
And pluck it o'er your brows. 
This is another anachronism, as the Roman hat (pileus) was made to fit close 
and shaped like the half of an egg. 

f'To shame" was formerly intransitive = to be ashamed. Cf. Wiclif's 
translation of the Bible — Luke xviii.: "And seide ( = said) there was a juge 
(= judge) in a citee: that dredde ( = feared) not God, neither schamede of 
(i. e. before) men." 



Scene II 



JULIUS CJESAR 



97 



Which every noble Roman bears of you. 
This is Trebonius.* 

Bru. He is welcome hither. 

Cas. This, Decius Brutus. 

Bru. He is welcome, too. 

Cas. This, Casca; this, Cinna; and this, 
Metellus Cimber. 

Bru. They are all welcome. 
What watchful cares do interpose themselves 
Betwixt your eyes and night? 1 

Cas. Shall I entreat a word? 2 100 

[Brutus and Cassius whisper apart. 

Dec. Here lies the east: doth not the day 
break here? 

Casca. No. 

Cin. O , pardon, sir, it doth ; and yon grey lines 
That fret 3 the clouds are messengers of day. 

Casca. You shall confess that you are both 
deceived. 
Here, as* I point my sword, the sun arises; 
Which is a great way growing 5 on the south, 
Weighing the youthful season of the year. 6 ^ 
Some two months hence, up higher toward 

the north 
He first presents his fire: 7 and the high east 110 
Stands, as the Capitol, directly here. 

Bru. Give me your hands all over, 9 one by 

one, _ 

Cas. And let us swear our resolution. 9 
Bru . No , not an oath : if not the face of men, 
The sufferance of our souls, the time's abuse, — t 



H. e. what anx- 
ieties keep 
you from 
your beds7 

2 may I beg a 
word in 
private? 

Hnterlace. Cf. 
the word 
"fretwork" 

4 where 
^encroaching 

^seeing that the 
year is still 
young 

7 i. e. rises 
Hhe whole of 

you 
hesolve (as in 
our phrase 
*Ho moved, 
resolution") 



* Trebonius, according to Plutarch, was the only one of the conspirators 
who did not wish to make Antonius privy to their plot, but he persuaded the 
others to his view. 

t In winter the sun rises to the south of the east, and in summer to the 
north of it. It was now, of course, March 15th, and the winter had not been 
very long over. 

\I. e. if the trouble reflected in the faces of our fellow countrymen and 
our own inward suffering, and the abuses which prevail around us, are not 
sufficient to rouse us. The omitted predicate is easily supplied from the 
words that follow, ' 'if these be motives weak." 



98 



JULIUS OESAR 



[Act II 



If these be motives weak, break off betimes, 
And every man hence to his idle bed; 1 
So let high-sighted 2 tyranny range on, 3 
Till each man drop by lottery 4 But if these,* 
As I am sure they do, bear fire enough 120 

To kindle cowards, and to steel with valour 
The melting spirits of women, then, country- 
men, 
What 6 need we any spur but our own cause 
To prod us to redress? what other bond 
Than 7 secret 9 Romans, that have spoke the 

word, 
And will not palter? 9 * and what other oath 
Than honesty to honesty engaged, 
That this shall be, or we will fall for it? 
Swear 10 priests and cowards and men 

cautelous, 11 
Old feeble carrions, 12 and such suffering souls 130 
That 13 welcome wrongs; unto bad causes swear . 
Such creatures as men doubt : but do not stain 
The even 14 virtue of our enterprise, 
Nor the insuppressive 16 mettle of our spirits, 
To think 16 that or 17 our cause or our perform- 
ance 18 
Did need an oath; when every drop of blood 
That every Roman bears, and nobly bears, 
7s guilty of a several baseness 19 
If he do break the smallest particle 
Of any promise that hath passed from him. 26 140 
Cas. But what of Cicero? Shall we sound 
him? 



18 due carrying out of it l9 is guilty of a separate act 
of baseness 20 we say "passed his lips" 



x bed of idleness 

2 aspiring 

^continue to rove 
in search of 
prey 

4 as chance de- 
crees 

6 i. e. these mo- 
tives (sup- 
plied from I. 
116) 

6 why 

7 i. e. than the 
fact that we 
are 

8 i. e., who can 
keep a secret 

^equivocate, 
shuffle 

10 administer 
oaths to 
(trans, or it 
might be in- 
trans., and 
1 l let priests, 
etc. ) take 
oaths" 

n crafty. See 
"Glossary" 

12 worthless 
creatures 
(originally 
carcasses: 
Latin caro 
-flesh) 

l3 as 

l4 unsullied 
nsu 
ble 

16 by thinking 

l7 either 



* Palter, of same root as ' 'paltry," has a curious derivation. It is probably 
from pollice truncus, i. e., maimed in the thumb. People so maimed themselves 
to escape military service, and hence ' 'poltron" or ' 'poltroon" became a name 
for a coward. The verb naturally came to mean the use of false pretences; to 
equivocate. Others say that the word is akin to the Swedish pallor — rags. 
See "Glossary." 



Scene I] 



JULIUS CJESAK 



99 



I think he will stand very strong with us. 

Casca. Let us not leave him out. 

Cin. No, by no means. 

Met. O, let us have him: for his silver hairs 
Will purchase us a good opinion, 1 
And buy men's voices to commend our deeds : 
It shall be said, his judgment ruled our hands; 
Our youths 2 and wildness shall no whit 3 appear, 
But all be buried in his gravity. 4 

Bru. O, name him not; let us not break with 5 
him, 150 

For he will never follow anything 
That other men begin. 

Cas. Then leave him out. 

Casca. Indeed, he is not fit. 

Dec. Shall no man else be touch'd, but only 
Caesar? 

Cas. Decius, well urged. — I think it is not 
meet, 
Mark Antony, so well beloved of Caesar, 
Should outlive Caesar: we shall find of 6 him 
A shrewd contriver ; 7 and, you know, his means, 
If he improve them, 8 may well stretch so far 
As to annoy 9 us all: which to prevent 160 

Let Antony and Caesar fall together. 

Bru. Our course will seem too bloody, Caius 
Cassius, 
To cut the head off and then hack the limbs, 
Like wrath in death, 10 and envy 11 afterwards; 
For Antony is but a limb of Caesar: 
Let us be sacrificers, but not butchers, Caius. 
We all stand up against the spirit 12 of Caesar; 
And in the spirit 12 of men there is no blood: 
0, that we then could come by 1 * Caesar's spirit, 12 
And not dismember Caesar! But, alas, 170 

Caesar must bleed for it. And, gentle 14 friends, 
Let's kill him boldly, but not wrathfully; 
Let's carve him as a dish fit for the gods, 
Not hew him as a carcass fit for hounds : 
And let our hearts, as subtle 15 masters do, 



deputation 
^youthful acta 
3 not at all 
^seriousness 
^disclose the 

matter to 

Cf.our phrase 

1 'to break the 

news" 



Hn 

''mischievous 
plotter 

8 his power, if 
he makes the 
most of it 

Hnjure 



10 i. e. in kill- 
ing him 

n malice 

12 a monosyllable 

lz get possession 
of. We still 
say "How 
did you come 
by that?" 

14 noble, as in 
our 



man 



* 'gentle- 
it 



1& artful 



100 



JULIUS CAESAR 



[Act II 



Stir up their servants 1 to an act of rage, 
And after 2 seem to chide 'em. This shall make 
Our purpose necessary, 3 but not envious;* 
Which so appearing to the common eyes, 
We shall be called purgers,* not murderers. 
And for Mark Antony, think not of him; 
For he can do no more than Caesar's arm 
When Caesar's head is off. 

Cas. Yet I fear him: 

For in the ingrafted love he bears to Caesar — 

Bru. Alas, good Cassius, do not think of 
him. 
If he love Caesar, all that he can do 
Is to himself, — take thought* and die for Caesar: 
And that were much he should; 1 for he is given 
To sports, to wildness, and much company. 

Treb. There is no fear* in him; let him not 
die; 
For he will live, and laugh at this hereafter. 

[Clock strikes. 

Bru. Peace! count the clock. 9 

Cas. The clock hath stricken 10 three. 

Treb. 'Tis time to part. 

Cas. But it is doubtful yet, 

Whether 11 Caesar will come forth to-day, or no; 
For he is superstitious grown of late, 
Quite from 12 the main 13 opinion he held once 
Of fantasy, of dreams, and ceremonies: 14 ' 
It may be, these apparent 15 prodigies, 
The unaccustomed terror of this night, 
And the persuasion of his augurers,* 
May hold 16 him from the Capitol to-day. 

Dec. Never fear that: if he be so resolved, 



180 



190 



200 



H. e. hands 
(which obey 
the heart's 
commands) 

2 afterwards 

3 a dissyllable, 
"ness'ry" 

hnalicious. Cf. 
I. 164 above 

5 cleansers. (As 
a purgative 
cleanses the 
body of tm- 
purities, so 
we shall 
cleanse the 
land of 
tyranny) 

^grieve 

''would be a 
great deal for 
a man like 
him to do 

8 cause of fear 

*an anachron- 
ism. The 
Romans had 
no striking 
clocks 

10 8 . nek 

n a monosyllable 

^different from 

lz firm 

u omens 

^manifest 



l6 keep 



* Augurers, generally called ' 'augurs." They were professional interpreters 
of omens; soothsayers. The Latin word augurium (augury) is derived from 
avis (a bird), and gerere (sc. se), to carry oneself, as the augur's art originally 
consisted in interpreting the ominous meaning, for good or ill, of the way in 
which birds flew. It was afterwards applied to all sorts of divination of the 
future. Augurer is formed by adding the agent suffix "er" to the verb 
4 'augur." 



Scene I] 



JULIUS OESAR 



101 



I can o'ersway him; for he loves to hear 
That unicorns may be betray' d with trees,* 
And bears with glasses, 1 elephants with 

holes, 2 
Lions with toils, 3 and men with flatterers: 
But when I tell him he hates flatterers, 
He says he does, being then most flattered. 
Let me work; 4 

For I can give his humour 5 the true bent, 9 
And I will bring him to the Capitol. 

Cas. Nay, we will all of us be there 7 to fetch 

him. 
Bru. By the eighth hour: is that the utter- 
most?* 
Cin. Be that the uttermost, and fail not 

then. 
Met. Caius Ligarius doth bear Caesar hard, 9 
Who rated him for speaking well of Pompey: 
I wonder none of you have thought of him. 

Bru. Now, good Metellus, go along by him: 10 
He loves me well, and I have given him 

reasons; 
Send him but hither, and I'll fashion him 11 
Cas. The morning comes upon 's: we'll 
leave you, Brutus: — 
And, friends, disperse yourselves; but all re- 
member 
What you have said, and show yourselves 
true Romans. 
Bru. Good gentlemen, look fresh and 
merrily; 12 



210 



220 



Mirrors 

2 pitfalls 

Hnares or nets 

*Steevens says 
this »" Let 
me to work," 
i. e., go to 
work, but 
surely it is 
simpler to re- 
gard "me" 
as emphatic, 
1 'Let me 
manage this" 
The "I" in 
the two fol- 
lowing lines 
lends strength 
to this view 

6 fancy 

^inclination, 
turn 

7 on the spot 

Hatest 

9 bear Coesar a 
grudge 

10 near him (i.e., 
by his house) 
C/.III.i.l62: 
1 'here by 
Casar" 

11 mould him to 
our purpose 

12 we should 
rather say 
1 'merry," 
though the 
adj. would be 
used adverb- 
ially 



V 



* Unicorns were said to have been caught by lions (and men) dodging 
behind trees: the unicorn made a charge and its horn stuck into the tree. 
Bears were surprised by gazing into mirrors placed ready for them by the 
hunters, who were thus enabled to take aim at close quarters without being 
noticed. For elephants, pits were dug and covered lightly over with turf on 
hurdles, and a bait to attract them. When one elephant was thus entrapped, 
others came up to help it, and fell into the same trap. Lions were caught 
with snares. Decius says Caesar liked so much to hear of others being de- 
ceived that he could not see when he was being deceived himself. 



102 



JULIUS OffiSAR 



[Act II 



Let not our looks put on 1 our purposes, 
But bear it as our Roman actors do,* 
With untired spirits and formal constancy: 2 
And so, good morrow to you every one. 

[Exeunt all but Brutus. 
Boy! Lucius! fast asleep! It is no matter; 
Enjoy the heavy honey-dew 3 of slumber: 
Thou hast no figures* nor no fantasies, 6 
Which busy care draws in the brains of men; 
Therefore thou sleep'st so sound. 
Enter Portia. 

Por. Brutus, my lord! 

Bru. Portia, what mean you? Wherefore 
rise you now? 
It is not for 6 your health thus to commit 
Your weak condition 7 to the raw cold morn- 



neither? You've un- 



mg. 
Por. Nor for yours 

gently, 9 Brutus, 
Stole 10 from my bed: and yesternight, at supper, 
You suddenly arose, and walk'd about, 
Musing and sighing, with your arms across, 11 
And when I ask'd you what the matter was, 
You stared upon me with ungentle looks; 
I urged you further; then you scratcb'd your 

head, 
And too impatiently stamp'd with your foot ; 
Yet 12 1 insisted, yet 12 you answer'd not, 
But, with an angry wafture 13 of your hand, 
Gave sign for me to leave you. So I did, 
Fearing to strengthen that impatience 
Which seem'd too much enkindled, and withal 
Hoping it was but an effect of humour, 
Which sometime 1 * hath his 16 hour with every 

man. 
It will not let you eat, nor talk, nor sleep, 
And could it work so much upon your shape 19 
As it hath much prevaiFd on your condition 11 



230 



240 



250 



1 assume, in the 
sense of re- 
veal or show 

2 well-regulated 
composure or 
firmness 

^others read 
honey- 
heavy dew, 
i. e. , the 
dew heavy 
with honey. 
If we read 
honey-dew, 
it means 
honeyed dew 

4 imaginings 

^flights of 
fancy 

6 good for 

''constitution 

8 double negative 

^unkindly, or 
perhaps 
rudely 

10 stolen 

"folded 



12 still. Cf. the 
French en- 
core, which 
means ' 'yet,' 
"still," 
"again" 

iz waving 

l4 at times 
16 its 

^appearance, 

looks 
17 disposition 



* Bear it, i. e. let your bearing be like that of our Roman actors. 



Scene I] 



JULIUS CJESAR 



103 



I should not know you, Brutus. Dear my lord, 1 
Make me acquainted with your cause of grief. 

Bru. I am not well in health, and that is all. 

Por. Brutus is wise, and were he not in 
health 
He would embrace the means to come by it. 

Bru. Why, so I do. — Good Portia, go to bed. 260 

Por. Is Brutus sick, and is it physical 2 
To walk unbraced, 3 and suck up the humours* 
Of the dank 5 morning? What ! is Brutus sick, 
And will he steal out of his wholesome bed 
To dare the vile contagion of the night, 
And tempt the rheumy 6 and unpurged 7 air 
To add unto his sickness? No, my Brutus; 
You have some sick offence 9 within your mind, 
Which, by the right and virtue of my place, 
I ought to know of: and upon my knees, 270 
I charm you, 9 by my once commended beauty, 
By all your vows of love, and that great vow 
Which did incorporate and make us one, 
That you unfold to me, yourself, your half, 
Why you are heavy, 10 and what men to-night 
Have had resort to you; for here have been 
Some six or seven, who did hide their faces 
Even from darkness. 

Bru. Kneel not, gentle Portia. 

Por. I should not need, if you were gentle, 
Brutus. 
Within 11 the bond of marriage, tell me, Brutus, 280 
Is it excepted 12 1 should know no secrets 
That appertain to you? Am I yourself 
But, as it were, in sort or limitation; 13 
To keep 14 with you at meals, comfort your bed, 
And talk to you sometimes? Dwell I but 

in the suburbs 15 
Of your good pleasure? If it be no more, 
Portia is Brutus' mistress, not his wife. 

Bru. You are my true and honourable wife; 
As dear to me as are the ruddy drops 16 
That visit my sad heart. 290 



l my dear lord 



2 healthful 
3 C/. I. iii. 48 
^moisture 
6 damp 

Hhat brings on 
colds 

Hmpure 

8 baneful sick- 
ness 

°cast a spell 
upon you 



10 weighed down 
with care 



12 is a proviso 
made that 

lz in some degree 
only, or with 
certain re- 
strictions 

u bide 

18 on the outskirts 



16 the drops of 
blood 



104 



JULIUS CAESAR 



[Act II 



Por. If this were true, then should I know 
this secret. 
I grant, I am a woman; but withal 1 
A woman that Lord Brutus took to wife: 
I grant, I am a woman; but withal 
A woman well-reputed, — Cato's daughter. 
Think you I am no stronger than my sex, 
Being so fathered, and so husbanded? 2 
Tell me your counsels, I will not disclose 'em. 
I have made strong proof of my constancy,* 
Giving myself a voluntary* wound — 300 

Can I bear that with patience, 
And not my husband's secrets? 

Bru. O ye gods, 

Render me worthy of this noble wife! 

[Knocking within. 
Hark, hark! one knocks: Portia go in awhile; 
And by-and-by thy bosom 5 shall partake 
The secrets of my heart : 
All my engagements I will construe 6 to thee, 
All the chardctery of 7 my sad brows : 
Leave me with haste. [Exit Portia. 

Enter Lucius and Ligarius. 

Lucius, who's that knocks? 8 
Luc. Here is a sick man that would speak 310 

with you. 
Bru. Caius Ligarius,* that Metellus spake 

of. 
Boy, stand aside. — Caius Ligarius! how? 9 
Lig. Vouchsafe 10 good morrow from a feeble 

tongue. 
Bru. O, what a time have you chose 11 out, 

brave Caius, 



x for all that 



2 with such a 
father and 
such a hus- 
band 

^severely tried 
my powers of 
endurance 

^self-inflicted 

Hhe bosom is 
often spoken 
of as the re- 
ceptacle of 
secrets. Cf. 
our phrase 
"to unbosom 
oneself" = to 
reveal a secret 

^explain 

Hhat is written 
on; the accent 
is here on the 
2nd, not the 
1st, syllable 

8 who knocks 



9 how is this 
(expressive of 
surprise) 

10 deign to accept 

n chosen 



But cf. Plutarch: "Ligarius . . . was besides very familiar with 
Brutus, who went to see him, being sick in his bed, and said unto him : 'Ligarius, 
in what a time art thou sick!' " Ligarius rising up in his bed, and taking him 
by the right hand, said unto him: 'Brutus,' said he, 'if thou hast any great 
enterprise in hand worthy of thyself, I am whole.' " Shakespeare makes 
Ligarius the visitor. 



Scene II] 



JULIUS OESAB 



105 



To wear a kerchief !* Would you were not sick ! 

Lig. I am not sick, if Brutus have in hand 
Any exploit worthy the name of honour. 

Bru. Such an exploit have I in hand, 
Ligarius, 
Had you a healthful ear to hear of it. 

Lig. By all the gods that Romans bow before, 320 
I here discard my sickness !f Soul of Rome! 
Brave son, derived from honourable loins! 
Thou, like an exorcist, 1 hast conjured up 
My mortified spirit. 2 Now bid me run, 
And I will strive with things impossible; 
Yea, get the better of them. What's to do? 3 

Bru. A piece of work that will make sick men 
whole.* 

Lig. But are not some whole 5 that we must 
make sick? 

Bru. That must we also. What it is, my 
Caius, 
I shall unfold to thee, as we are going 330 

To whom 6 it must be done. 

Lig. Set on your foot, 7 

And with a heart new-fired I follow you 
To do I know not what: but it sufficeth 
That Brutus leads me on. 

Bru. Follow me, then. [Exeunt. 

Scene II. Rome. A Room in Cesak's Palace. 
Thunder and lightning. Enter Caesar in his night- 
gown. 
Cces. Nor heaven nor earth have* been at 
peace to-night: 
Thrice hath Calpurnia in her sleep cried out, 



*a spirit raiser; 
the accent is on 
the first and 
last syllables 

hny spirit that 
was dead; 
pronounce 
mortified 
sp'rit 

3 to be done, or 
as we say, 
"What is 
there to do " 

*make whole— 
heal 

Hn health, re' 
ferring, of 
course, to 
Cozsar 

Ho him to whom 

1 set out, start 



8t 'have," rather 
than ' 'has" 
as the idea is 
"both" have 
been stormy 



* In Shakespeare's time it was the practice for sick people to tie a kerchief 
(Fr. couvre-chef, i. e., a covering for the head) about their heads. But with 
regard to Ligarius, this is, of course, an anachronism. 

t The Clarendon Press edition says: ' 'He pulls off his kerchief." But it 
seems rather to mean, l 'I cast off my sickness: your words have wrought my 
instant cure." The words that follow point to this explanation. "Here" 
would then simply mean ' 'here and now." If it refers to taking off the ker- 
chief, "here" would mean ' 'herewith." 



106 



JULIUS CJESAR 



[Act II 



"Help, ho! They murder Caesar !"— Who's 
within? 

Enter a Servant 
Serv. My lord? 

Cces. Go bid the priests do present 1 sacrifice, 
And bring me their opinions of success. 
Serv. I will, my lord. [Exit. 

Enter Calpurnia. 
Cal. What mean you, Caesar? think you to 
walk forth? 
You shall not stir out of your house to-day. 
Cces. Caesar shall forth: 2 the things that 
threaten' d me 
Ne'er look'd but on my back; when they 

shall see 
The face of Caesar, they are vanished. 

Cal. Caesar, I never stood on ceremonies, 3 * 
Yet now they fright me. There is one within, 
Besides the things that we have heard and 

seen, 
Recounts* most horrid sights seen by the watch. 6 
A lioness hath whelped 6 in the streets; 
And graves have yawn'd, and yielded up their 

dead; 
Fierce fiery warriors fought upon the clouds, 
In ranks and squadrons and right form of war, 
Which drizzled blood upon the Capitol; 
The noise of battle hurtled 1 in the air, 
Horses did neigh, and dying men did groan, 
And ghosts did shriek and squeal about the 

streets. 
O Caesar! these things are beyond all use, 6 
And I do fear them. 

Cces. What can be avoided 

Whose end is purposed by the mighty gods? 



10 



20 



Hmmediate. Cf. 
the French 
presente- 
ment, which 
always means 
1 'immediate- 
ly," "forth- 
with" 

hhall go forth. 
Notice the ar- 
rogance of 
C cesar's tone, 
even to his 
wife: he 
speaks in the 
third person 

3 heeded omens 

4 sc. who 

^another ana- 
chronism; 
there were no 
watchmen in 
Rome at this 
time 

6 a dissyllable 



^clashed 



1 quite contrary 
to what is 
usual 



* For "stood on," cf. III. i. 100, in this sense :— 
'tis but the time, 
And drawing days out, that men stand upon. 
Our modern phrase "to stand on ceremony'' is rather different, and means 
to be on a formal footing; to act with formality. 



Scene II] 



JULIUS C^SAR 



107 



Yet Caesar shall go forth; for these predictions 
Are to the world in general as to Caesar.* 

Cal. When beggars die there are no comets 
seen; 30 

The heavens themselves blaze 1 forth the death 
of princes. 

Cces. Cowards die many times before their 
deathsjf 
The valiant never taste of death but once. 
Of all the wonders that I yet have heard, 
It seems to me most strange that men should 

fear; 
Seeing that death, a necessary end, 
Will come when it will come. 

Re-enter Servant. 
What say the augurers? 2 

Serv. They would not have you to stir forth 
to-day. 
Plucking the entrails of an offering forth, 
They could not find a heart within the beast. 40 

Cobs. The gods do this in shame of 3 cowardice: 
Caesar should 4 be a beast without a heart 
If he should stay at home to-day for fear. 
No, Caesar shall not: danger knows full well 
That Caesar is more dangerous than he. 
We are two lions litter' d in one day, 
And I the elder and more terrible: 
And Caesar shall go forth. 

Cal. Alas, my lord, 

Your wisdom is consumed in confidence. 5 
Do not go forth to-day: call it my fear 50 

That keeps you in the house, and not your own. 
We'll send Mark Antony to the senate-house, 
And he shall say you are not well to-day: 
Let me, upon my knee, prevail in this. 

Cms. Mark Antony shall say I am not well, 
And, for thy humour * I will stay at home. 



l either "pro- 
claim" or 
1 'flash," or 

— the two mean- 
ings com- 
bined 



2 augurs. Cf. 
II. i. 200 



Ho put to shame 
*would 



°i. e. your sense 
of security re- 
duces your 
wisdom to 
nothing; your 
boldness 
makes you 
unwise 

Ho humour thee 
{humour here 
= fancy, and 
we use the 
verb 

"humour" 
in the sense of 
indulging a 
person's 
fancies) 



* Concern all others as much as me. 

t The constant fear of cowards is a living death. 



108 



JULIUS CiESAR 



[Act II 



Enter Decius. 
Here's Decius Brutus, he shall tell them so. 

Dec. Caesar, all hail! Good morrow, worthy 
Caesar: 
I come to fetch you to the senate-house. 

Cces. And you are come in very happy time, 1 60 
To bear my greeting to the senators, 
And tell them that I will not come to-day: 
Cannot, is false; and that I dare not, falser; 
I will not come to-day, — tell them so, Decius. 

Cat. Say he is sick. 

Cces. Shall Caesar send a lie? 

Have I in conquest stretch' d mine arm so 

far, 
To be afeard 2 to tell grey-beards the truth? 
Decius, go tell them Caesar will not come. 

Dec. Most mighty Caesar, let me know some 
cause, 
Lest I be laugh'd at when I tell them so. 70 

Cces. The cause is in my will: I will not 
come; 
That is enough to satisfy the senate. 
But, for your private satisfaction, 
Because I love you, I will let you know. 
Calpurnia here, my wife, stays 3 me at home: 
She dreamed to-night 4 she saw my statua, 6 
Which, like a fountain with an hundred spouts, 
Did run pure blood; and many lusty 6 Romans 
Came smiling, and did bathe their hands in it. 
And these does she apply for warnings and 80 

portents' 7 . 
And evils imminent; and on her knee 
Hath begg'd that I will stay at home to-day. 

Dec. This dream is all amiss interpreted: 
It was a vision fair and fortunate. 
Your statue spouting blood in 8 many pipes, 
In which so many smiling Romans bathed, 
Signifies that from you great Rome shall suck 
Reviving blood, and that great men shall 
press 9 



l at a very op- 
portune time 



*afraid 



z makes me stay 

Hast night 
b statue (here a 

trisyllable) 
^stalwart 



7 omens of evil. 
Shakespeare 
always ac- 
cents the last 
syllable of 
this word 

8 i. e. from or 
with 



9 crowd around 



Scene II] 



JULIUS CiESAR 



109 



For tinctures, stains, relics, and cognizance:* 
This by Calpurnia's dream is signified. 90 

Cces. And this way have you well expounded it. 
Dec. I have, when you have heard what I 

can say: 
And 1 know it now: the senate have concluded 
To give this day a crown to mighty Caesar. 
If you shall send them word you will not come, 
Their minds may change. Besides, it were a 

mock 2 
Apt to be rendered, 3 for some one to say, 
"Break up the senate till another time, 
When Caesar's wife shall meet with better 

dreams." 
If Caesar hide himself, shall they not whisper 100 
"Lo, Caesar is afraid?" 
Pardon me, Caesar; for my dear, dear love 
To your proceeding* bids me tell you this, 
And reason to my love is liable. 5 

Cces. How foolish do your fears seem now, 

Calpurnia! 
I am ashamed 6 1 did yield to them. — 
Give me my robe, for I will go. 

Enter Publius, Brutus, Ligarius, Metellus, 
Casca, Trebonius, and Cinna. 

And look where Publius is come to fetch me. 

Pub. Good morrow, Caesar. 

Cces. Welcome, Publius. 

What, Brutus, are you stirr'd 7 so early too? — 110 
Good morrow, Casca. — Caius Ligarius, 
Caesar was ne'er so much your enemy 



Haunt 
z natural to be 

uttered in 

reply 



Hhe very deep 
interest I take 
in all that 
you do 

^subject 

6 a trisyllable 



''stirring 



* I. e. to dip and stain their handkerchiefs in your blood to keep as relics 
and wear as badges. Others take the words ' 'tincture" and ' 'cognizance" in 
their heraldic meaning, in which case the sentence would mean ' 'Great men 
crowd round to receive rank and honours from you," but this seems less likely. 
' 'Cognizance" is plural. Words ending with an "s" sound frequently remain 
unchanged both in the possessive singular (cf . for conscience' sake) and in the 
plural. Cf. Sonnet 112, 10 (Shakespeare) : 

my adder's sense 
To critic and to flatterer stopped are. 



110 



JULIUS CAESAR 



[Act II 



As that same ague which hath made you lean. 
What is't o'clock? 

Bru. Caesar, His strucken 1 eight. 

Cobs. I thank you for your pains and courtesy. 
Enter Antony. 
See! Antony, that revels long o' nights, 
Is notwithstanding up. Good morrow, Antony. 
Ant. So 2 to most noble Caesar. 
Cces. Bid them prepare within: 

I am to blame to be thus waited for. 
Now, Cinna: now, Metellus: what, Tre- 

bonius! 120 

I have an hour's* talk in store for you; 
Remember that you call on me to-day: 
Be near me, that I may remember you. 
Treb. Caesar, I will: [Aside] and so near will 
I be, 
That your best friends shall wish I had been 
further. 
Cces. Good friends, go in, and taste some 
wine with me; 
And we, like friends, will straightway go to- 
gether. 
Bru. [Aside] That every like is not the 
same,* O Caesar, 
The heart of Brutus yearns* to think upon! 

[Exeunt. 

Scene III. A Street near the Capitol. 

Enter Artemidorus, reading a paper. 
Art. "Caesar, beware of Brutus; take heed 
of Cassius; come not near Casca; have an eye 
to Cinna; trust not Trebonius; mark well 
Metellus Cimber; Decius Brutus loves thee 
not; thou hast wronged Caius Ligarius. There 
is but one mind in all these men, and it is bent 



^as struck; an 
anachronism 
Cf. II. i. 192 



Hhe same 



5 a dissyllable 



^grieves 



* J. e. that things which seem the same are not always really so — a play 
on the preceding ' 'like friends" : those who are like friends are not always 
friends. Brutus has feelings of compunction at the show of friendship on the 
part of those who are not real friends to Caesar. 



Scene IV] 



JULIUS CiESAR 



111 



against Caesar. If thou beest not immortal, 
look about you: security 1 gives way 2 to con- 
spiracy. The mighty gods defend thee! 
Thy lover* Artemidorus." 10 

Here will I stand till Caesar pass along, 
And as a suitor will I give him this. 
My heart laments that virtue cannot live 
Out of the teeth of emulation.* 
If thou read this, O Caesar, thou may'st live: 
If not, the Fates with traitors do contrive* 

[Exit. 

Scene IV. Rome. Another part of the same Street, 
before the house of Brutus. 

Enter Portia and Lucius. 
Por. I prithee, boy, run to the senate-house; 
Stay not to answer me, but get thee gone: 
Why dost thou stay? 

Luc. To know my errand, madam. 
Por. I would have had thee there, and here 
again, 
Ere I can tell thee what thou shouldst do there. 

constancy, 6 be strong upon my side, 

Set a huge mountain 'tween my heart and tongue! 1 

1 have a man's mind, but a woman's might. 
How hard it is for women to keep counsel! — 
Art thou here yet? 

Luc. Madam, what should I do? 10 

Run to the Capitol, and nothing else? 
And so return to you, and nothing else? 

Por. Yes, bring me word, boy, if thy lord 
look well. 
For he went sickly forth : and take good note 
What Caesar doth, what suitors press to him. 
Hark, boy! what noise is that? 

Luc. I hear none, madam. 

Por. Prithee, listen well; 

I heard a bustling rumour, 8 like a fray. 
And the wind brings it from the Capitol. 

Luc. Sooth, 9 madam, I hear nothing. 20 



x over-confidence 
{Latin se = 
without, and 
cura = care, 
hence care- 
lessness, free- 
dom from 
anxiety) 

Heaves open the 
way 

3 friend 

*free from the 
attack of 
jealous 
rivalry 

6 conspire 



6 firmness 

7 i. e. let not my 
tongue reveal 
my secrets 



s noise of tumult 
9 of a truth 



112 



JULIUS C^SAE 



[Act II 



Enter Me Soothsayer. 
Por. Come hither, fellow: which way hast 

thou been? 
Sooth. At mine own house, good lady. 
Por. What is't o'clock? 
Sooth. About the ninth hour, lady. 

Por. Is Caesar yet gone to the Capitol? 
Sooth. Madam, not yet: I go to take my 
stand, 
To see him pass on to the Capitol. 
Por. Thou hast some suit to Caesar, hast 

thou not? 
Sooth. That I have, lady: if it will please 
Caesar 
To be so good to Caesar as to hear me, 
I shall beseech him to befriend himself. 
Por. Why, know'st thou any harm's 1 in- 
tended towards him? 
Sooth. None that I know will be, much that 
I fear may chance. 
Good morrow to you. Here the street is 

narrow: 
The throng that follows Caesar at the heels, — 
Of senators, of praetors, common suitors, 2 
Will crowd a feeble man almost to death: 
I'll get me to a place more void, 3 and there 
Speak to great Caesar as he comes along. 

[Exit. 
Por. I must go in. Ay me, how weak a 
thing 
The heart of woman is! O Brutus, 
The heavens speed* thee in thine enterprise! — 
Sure, the boy heard me: Brutus hath a suit 
That Caesar will not grant. O, I grow faint. 
Run, Lucius, and commend me to my lord; 
Say I am merry: come to me again, 
And bring me word what he doth say to thee. 

[Exeunt severally. 6 



30 



l any harm 
(that) is 



Supplicants 

3 open. Cf. 
French vide 
= empty , 
open 



40 



prosper. 
I. ii. i 



Cf. 



Scene I] 



JULIUS CAESAR 



113 



ACT III. 

The Capitol; the Senate sitting 
above. 



Scene I. Rome. 



A crowd of People in the street leading to the Capitol; 
among them Artemidorus and the Soothsayer. 
Flourish. Enter Caesar, Brutus, Cassius, 
Casca, Decius, Metellus, Trebonius, Cinna, 
Antony, Lepidus, Popilius, Publius, and 
others. 

Cces. [To the Soothsayer] The ides of March 

are come. 
Sooth. Ay, Caesar; but not gone. 
Art. Hail, Caesar! Read this schedule. 1 
Dec. Trebonius doth desire you to o'er-read, 
At your best leisure, this his humble suit. 
Art. O Caesar, read mine first; for mine's a 
suit 
That touches Caesar nearer: read it, great 
Caesar. 
Cces. What touches us our self shall be last 

served. 2 
Art. Delay not, Caesar; read it instantly. 
Cces. What, is the fellow mad? 10 

Pub. Sirrah, z give place. 4 

Cas. What, urge you your petitions in the 
street? 
Come to the Capitol. 

Cesar goes up to the Senate-House, the rest following 
All the Senators rise. 
Pop. I wish your enterprise to-day may 

thrive. 
Cas. What enterprise, Popilius? 
Pop. Fare you well. 

[Advances to Caesar. 
Bru. What said Popilius Lena? 
Cas. He wish'd to-day our enterprise might 
thrive. 
I fear our purpose is discovered. 5 



Written paper 



^attended to, or 
it may pos- 
sibly mean 
"presented" 

3 jellow 

4 get out of the 
way 



5 o quadrisyl- 
lable 



114 



JULIUS C^SAR 



[Act III 



Bru. Look, how he makes 1 to Caesar: mark 

him. 
Cas. Casca,be sudden, 2 for we fear prevention, 3 
Brutus, what shall be done? If this be known, 20 
Cassius or Caesar never shall turn back, 
For I will slay myself.* 

Bru. Cassius, be constant:* 

Popilius Lena speaks not of our purposes; 
For, look, he smiles, and Caesar doth not 
change} 
Cas. Treboniusf knows his time; for, look 
you, Brutus, 
He draws Mark Antony out of the way. 

[Exeunt Antony and Trebonius. Caesar 

and the Senators take their seats. 

Dec. Where is Metellus Cimber? Let him 

go, 

And presently 6 prefer 7 his suit to Caesar. 
Bru. He is address' d: s press near, and second 

him. 
Cin. Casca, you are the first that rears 9 your 

hand. 30 

Cms. Are we all ready? What is now amiss, 
That Caesar and his senate must redress? 
Met. Most high, most mighty, and most 
puissant 10 Caesar, 
Metellus Cimber throws before thy seat 
An humble heart: — [Kneeling. 

Cms. I must prevent 11 thee, Cimber. 

These couchings, 12 t and these lowly courtesies, 13 



1 presses forward 
Cf .our phrase 
' ( lo make for 
a place" 

2 quick 

frustration of 
our plans (or 
it might 
mean "detec- 
tion") 

^firm 

6 i. e. change 
countenance 



^straightway 
^present 
heady 
*to raise 



10 powerful (a 
dissyllable) 

^anticipate 
n stoopings 
13 humble kneel' 
ings 



* /. e. one of the two shall not return, for if I do not kill him I will kill 
myself. 

t Cf . North's Plutarch, Life of Brutus (Skeat's Ed.), p. 118: ' 'Trebonius on 
the other side drew Antonius aside as he came into the house where the senate 
sat, and held him with a long talk without." But in Plutarch's Life of Caesar 
(Skeat's Ed.), p. 100, we read: ' 'Now Antonius, that was a faithful friend to 
Caesar, and a valiant man besides of his hands, him Decius Brutus Albinus 
entertained (i. e., kept) out of the senate-house, having begun a long tale of 
set purpose." 

t Couchings, probably derived like cove and cower from the French couver, 
Latin cubare, to hatch or brood, and hence, to stoop over. 



Scene I] 



JULIUS C^ESAE 



115 



Might fire the blood of ordinary men, 

And turn pre-ordinance and first decree 1 

Into the law of children. 2 Be not fond, 3 

To think that Caesar bears such rebel* blood 40 

That will be thaw'd from the true quality* 

With 6 that which melteth fools; I mean sweet 

words, 
Low-crooked courVsies 7 and base spaniel-fawn- 
ing. 
Thy brother by decree is banished: 6 
If thou dost bend and pray and fawn for him, 
I spurn thee like a cur out of my way. 
Know, Caesar doth not wrong, nor without 

cause 
Will he be satisfied. 

Met. Is there no voice more worthy than my own, 
To sound more sweetly in great Caesar's ear 50 
For the repealing 9 of my banish' d brother? 

Bru. I kiss thy hand, but not in flattery, 
Caesar; 
Desiring thee that Publius Cimber may 
Have an immediate freedom of repeal. 10 

Cws. What, Brutus! 

Cas. Pardon, Caesar; Caesar, pardon: 

As low as to thy foot doth Cassius fall, 
To beg enfranchisement 11 for Publius Cimber. 

Cass. I could be well moved, if I were as you; 
If I could pray to move, 12 prayers would move 

me: 
But I am constant 13 as the northern star, 60 

Of u whose true-fixed and resting 15 quality 16 
There is no fellow in the firmament. 
The skies are painted with unnumber'd sparks, 
They are all fire, and every one doth shine; 
But there's but one in all doth hold his 17 place: 
So, in the world; 'tis furnish'd well with men, 
And men are flesh and blood, and apprehensive; 1 * * 



r what has been 
ordained be- 
forehand and 
decreed from 
the beginning 

2 puerility, 
childishness 

3 (so) foolish 
(as) 
4 i. e. that brooks 
resistance to 
authority 

Hts true nature 

"by 

How bendings 
of the knee 

8 a trisyllable 



^recalling 



vfree recall 



liberty 

B i. e. to try to 
move others 
from their re- 
solves 

13 immovable 

u to 

15 stable 

^nature 

17 its 

l3 receptive of 
new impres- 
sions 



* For apprehensive in this sense, compare Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, 
p. 21: "By the apprehensive power, we perceive the species of sensible (i._ e. 
perceptible) things, present or absent, and retain them, as wax doth the print 
of a seal." 



116 



JULIUS OESAK 



[Act III 



Yet in the number, I do know but one 
That unassailable holds on his rank, 1 
Unshaked of motion: 2 and that I am he, 70 

Let me a little show it, even in this, 
That I was constant Cimber should be banish'd, 
And constant do remain to keep him so. 
Cin. O Caesar, — 

C(bs. Hence! Wilt thou lift up Olympus? 
Dec. Great Caesar, — ■ 

Cobs. Doth not Brutus bootless 3 kneel?* 

Casca. Speak, hands, for me. 

[Casca stabs Caesar in the neck. Caesar 
catches hold of his arm. He is then 
stabbed by the other Conspirators, and 
last by Marcus Brutus. 
Cces. Ettu, Brute!*— Then fall, Caesar! [Dies. 
Cin. Liberty! Freedom '.Tyranny is dead! — 
Run hence, proclaim, cry it about the streets. 
Cas. Some to the common pulpits , 5 and cry 
out, 80 

"Liberty, freedom, and enfranchisement !" 

Bru. People, and senators, be not affrighted; 
Fly not; stand still: — ambition's debt is paid. 
Casca. Go to the pulpit, Brutus. 
Dec, And Cassius too. 

Bru. Where's Publius? 
Cin. Here, quite confounded with this 

mutiny. 
Met. Stand fast together, lest some friend of 
Caesar's 
Should chance — 
Bru. Talk not of standing. — Publius, good 
cheer.- 6 
There is no harm intended to your person, 90 
Nor to no Roman else: 7 so tell them, Publius. 
Cas. And leave us, Publius; lest that s the 
people, 
Rushing on us, should do your age some mis- 
chief. 



^retains his 
place 

2 free from 
motion, un- 
moved 



4 and thou, 
Brutus! 



Hhe public 
rostra (plat- 
forms); these 
were in the 
Forum 



6 i. e. be of good 

cheer 
7 any other 

Roman 

Hest 



* If Brutus kneels in vain, can you expect to prevail upon me. 



Scene I] 



JULIUS C^SAE 



117 



Bru. Do so: and let no man abide 1 this deed 
But we 2 the doers. 

Re-enter Trebonius. 

Cas. Where is Antony? 

Tre. Fled to his house amazed: 

Men, wives, and children stare, cry out and run, 
As 3 it were doomsday. 

Bru. Fates, we will know your pleasures: 
That we shall die, we know; 'tis but the time, 
And drawing* days out, that men stand upon. 5 100 

Cas. Why, he that cuts off twenty years of 
life 
Cuts off so many years of fearing death. 

Bru. Grant that, and then is death a benefit : 
So are we Caesar's friends, that have abridged 
His time of fearing death. — Stoop, Romans, 

stoop, 
And let us bathe our hands in Caesar's blood 
Up to the elbows, and besmear our swords: 
Then walk we 6 forth, even to the market-place, 
And, waving our red 7 weapons o'er our heads, 
Let's all cry, "Peace, freedom, and liberty!" 110 

Cas. Stoop then, and wash. How many 
ages hence 
Shall this our lofty scene be acted over, 
In states unborn, 8 and accents 9 yet unknown! 

Bru. How many times shall Caesar bleed in 
sport, 
That 10 now on Pompey's basis 11 lies along, 12 
No worthier than the dust! 

Cas. So oft as that shall be, 

So often shall the knot of us be call'd 
The men that gave their country liberty. 

Dec. What, shall we forth? 13 

Cas. Ay, every man away: 

Brutus shall lead; and we will grace his heels 120 
With the most boldest 14 and best hearts of Rome. 
Enter a Servant. 

Bru. Soft! 15 who comes here? A friend of 
Antony's, 



x be responsible 
for 



3 as if 



^spinning 

^attach import- 
ance to. Cf. 
II. ii. 13 



Het us walk 
7 i. e., blood- 
stained 



*as yet un- 
founded 

^languages 

10 who 

n the base of 
Pompey's 
statue 

12 stretched out 



lz go forth 



14 double 
superlative 

^hush! 



118 



JULIUS CJESAR 



[Act III 



Serv. Thus, Brutus, did my master bid me 
kneel; 
Thus did Mark Antony bid me fall down, 
And, being prostrate, 1 thus he bade me say: 
Brutus is noble, wise, valiant, and honest; 2 
Caesar was mighty, bold, royal, and loving: 
Say I love Brutus, and I honour him; 
Say I fear'd Caesar, honour'd him and loved him. 
If Brutus will vouchsafe* that Antony 130 

May safely come to him, and be resolved* 
How Caesar hath deserved to lie in death, 
Mark Antony shall not love Caesar dead 
So well as Brutus living; but will follow 
The fortunes and affairs of noble Brutus 
Thorough 6 the hazards of this untrod state, 6 
With all true faith. So says my master, 
Antony. 

Bru. Thy master is a wise and valiant 
Roman; 
I never thought him worse. 

Tell him, so please him come 7 unto this place, 140 
He shall be satisfied; 9 and, by my honour, 
Depart untouch' d. 

Serv. I'll fetch him presently. 9 [Exit. 

Bru. I know that we shall have him well to 
friend. 10 

Cas. I wish we may: but yet have I a mind 11 
That fears him much ; and my misgiving still 12 
Falls shrewdly to the purpose 1Z 

Re-enter Antony. 

Bru. But here comes Antony. Welcome, 
Mark Antony. 

Ant. O mighty Caesar! dost thou lie so low? 
Are all thy conquests, glories, triumphs, spoils, 
Shrunk to this little measure? Fare thee well. 150 
I know not, gentlemen, what you intend, 
Who else must be let blood, 14 who else is rank:* 



x when prostrate 

or kneeling 
2 honorable 



Heign to allow 
Satisfied 



Hhrough 
6 new state of 
affairs 



Hf it please him 

to come 
^convinced 

9 at once 



10 for our friend 
11 presentiment 
Constantly 
13 turns out 
well founded 



u slain 



* Rank. There is a double idea in this word : first, too full of blood and 
corruption, and hence requiring to be bled (a gentle way of saying .' 'put to 
death"); and second, growing too high like a luxuriant weed, and hence re- 
quiring to be cut down. 



Scene I] 



JULIUS C^SAE 



119 



If I myself, there is no hour so fit 

As Caesar's death's hour; nor no 1 instrument 

Of half that 2 worth as those your swords, made rich 

With the most noble blood of all this world. 

I do beseech ye, if you bear me hard,* 

Now, whilst your purpled hands do reek and smoke, 

Fulfil your pleasure. Live* a thousand years, 

I shall not find myself so apt 6 to die: 160 

No place will please me so, no mean 6 of death, 

As here by 7 Caesar, and by you cut off, 

The choice and master spirits of this age. 

Bru. O Antony, beg not your death of us. 
Though now we must appear bloody and cruel, 
As, by our hands and this our present act, 
You see we do, yet see you but our hands 
And this the bleeding business 8 they have done: 
Our hearts you see not; they are pitiful;* 
And pity to 10 the general wrong of Rome — 170 
As fire drives out fire, so pity pity — * 
Hath done this deed on Caesar. For your part, 11 
To you our swords have leaden points, Mark Antony, 
Our arms, no strength of malice; 12 ^ and our hearts, 
Of brothers' temper, do receive you in 13 
With all kind love, good thoughts, and reverence. 

Cas. Your voice 14 shall be as strong as any man's 
In the disposing of new dignities 16 

Bru. Only be patient, till we have appeased 
The multitude, beside themselves with fear, 180 
And then we will deliver 16 you the cause, 



x any 
2 such 



3 bear me 
enmity 

4 if I live 

"fit 

hneans 

7 by the side of 



s this bloody deed 
that 

9 full of pity 

10 for 

n as far as you 
are concerned 

12 no feeling of 
malice makes 
our arms 
strong 
against you 

^welcome 

xi vote 

l5 offices 

16 r elate to. We 
talk now of 
an orator's 
' " "delivery" 'in 
the sense of 
style or man- 
ner of speak- 
ing 



* I. e. as the pain of a burn is supposed to be driven out by applying heat 
to it, so our pity for Rome drives out our pity for Caesar. ^ It is a common 
though erroneous idea that if one is burnt slightly, the pain is taken away by 
holding the burnt part close to a fire. The homoeopathic principle of curing 
diseases by small doses of poisons which would produce the same diseases in 
healthy persons, and the prevention of disease by inoculation are similar ideas, 
and often prove efficacious. (The first ' 'fire" is here a dissyllable). 

t This is CapelTs emendation for "our arms in strength of malice; and," 
etc., which wou'd mean either "made strong by hatred" or "made strong by 
the deed of malice they have done." The arms powerful for evil are con- 
trasted with their tender hearts. Above, Brutus says: ' 'Yet see you but oui- 
hands . . . our hearts you see not." 



120 



JULIUS C^SAR 



[Act III 



Why I, that did love Caesar when I struck him, 
Have thus proceeded. 1 

Ant. I doubt not of your wisdom. 

Let each man render 2 me his bloody hand: 
First, Marcus Brutus, will I shake with you; 
Next, Caius Cassius, do I take your hand; 
Now, Decius Brutus, yours; now, yours, 

Metellus; 
Yours, Cinna; and, my valiant Casca, yours; 
Though last, not least in love, yours, good 

Trebonius. 
Gentlemen all, — alas, what shall I say? 
My credit 3 now stands on such slippery ground 
That one of two bad ways you must conceit me, 4 
Either a coward or a flatterer. 
That I did love thee, Caesar, O, 'tis true: 
If then thy spirit look upon us now, 
Shall it not grieve thee, dearer 5 than thy death, 
To see thy Antony making his peace, 
Shaking the bloody fingers of thy foes, 
Most noble! in the presence of thy corse? 5 
Had I as many eyes as thou hast wounds, 
Weeping as fast as they stream forth thy blood 
It would become me better than to close 
In terms' 1 of friendship with thine enemies. 
Pardon me, Julius! Here wast thou bay'd* 

brave hart; 
Here didst thou fall; and here thy hunters 

stand, 
Sign'din thy spoil, 9 and crimson'd in thy lethe. 10 * 



190 



200 



l acted or be- 
haved 
2 give 



^reputation 

4 you must think 
of me in one 
of two bad 
ways 

6 more deeply 



^corpse 



''end by making 
terms 

^brought to bay 

* distinguished 
by the stains 
of thy blood, 
their trophy 

Hife's blood 



* Lethe is properly one of the rivers in the Lower World, whose waters the 
souls of the dead drank of and were thereby rendered oblivious of all that 
they had done or seen before. The commentators take it in this passage, 
however, to mean "death," and to be coined from the Latin lethum (death), 
the word lethal, in the sense of deadly, being common. But might it not, after 
all, have its original sense? The conspirators have "crimsoned" themselves 
in the river of Ccesar's blood, which has made them forget their former selves: 
they are now going to live a totally new life; like the souls of the dead who 
have drunk of the waters of Lethe, they have done with the past, they have 
buried it in oblivion. We must remember that it is Antony who is speaking, 
and that he is no great friend of the conspirators. 



Scene I] 



JULIUS C^SAR 



121 



world, thou wast the forest to this hart; 1 
And this, indeed, O world, the heart 1 of thee. 
How like a deer, strucken 2 by many princes, 
Dost thou here lie! 210 

Cas. Mark Antony, — 

Ant. Pardon me, Caius Cassius: 

The enemies of Caesar shall say this; 
Then, in a friend, it is cold modesty. 3 

Cas. I blame you not for praising Caesar so; 
But what compact mean you to have with us? 
Will you be picked* in number of 5 our friends; 
Or shall we on, 6 and not depend on you? 

Ant. Therefore I took your hands; but was, 
indeed, 
Sway'd from the point, by looking down on 

Caesar. 
Friends am I with you all and love you all, 220 
Upon this hope, 7 that you shall give me reasons 
Why and wherein Caesar was dangerous. 

Bru. Or else were this a savage spectacle. 
Our reasons are so full of good regard* 
That were you, Antony, the son of Caesar, 
You should 9 be satisfied. 

Ant. That's all I seek: 

And am moreover suitor™ that I may 
Produce 11 his body to the market-place 
And in the pulpit, as becomes a friend, 
Speak in the order™ of his funeral. 230 

Bru. You shall, Mark Antony. 

Cas. Brutus, a word with you, — 

[Aside to Brutus] You know not what you do; 

do not consent 
That Antony speak in 19 his funeral. 
Know you how much the people may be moved 
By that which he will utter? 

Bru. By your pardon; 1 * — 

1 will myself into the pulpit first, 

And show the reason of our Caesar's death : 
What Antony shall speak, I will protest 16 
He speaks by leave and by permission; 



1 note the play 
on the words 
"hart" and 
"heart" 

Htruck or 
stricken 



Moderation 
^marked 



Hn (the) num- 
ber of 

9 (go) on 

Hn the hope; by 
reason of the 
hope 

^satisfactory 

*would 



n bring out 
12 course 



iz during 

14 with your 
permission 
(The Latin 
venia is simi' 
larly used 
both of * 'par- 
don" and 
"leave") 

n set forth, de* 
dare 



122 



JULIUS CiESAR 



[Act III 



And that we are contented Caesar shall 240 
Have all true rites and lawful ceremonies. 
It shall advantage more than do us wrong. 1 

Cas. I know not what may fall', 2 I like it not. 

Bru. Mark Antony, here, take you Caesar's 
body. 
You shall not in your funeral speech blame us, 
But speak all good you can devise of Caesar, 
And say, you do't by our permission;* 
Else shall you not have any hand at all 
About his funeral: and you shall speak 
In the same pulpit whereto* I am going, 250 
After my speech is ended. 

Ant. Be it so; 

I do desire no more. 

Bru. Prepare the body, then, and follow us. 
[Exeunt all but Antony. 

Ant. O, pardon me, thou bleeding piece of 
earth, 
That I am meek and gentle with these butchers! 
Thou art the ruins of the noblest man 
That ever lived in the tide of times. b 
Woe to the hand that shed this costly blood! 
Over thy wounds now do I prophesy, — 
Which, like dumb mouths, do ope 6 their ruby 260 

lips, 
To beg the voice and utterance of my tongue — 
A curse shall light upon the limbs of men;* 
Domestic fury and fierce civil strife, 1 
Shall cumber 8 all the parts of Italy; 
Blood and destruction shall be so in use, 9 
And dreadful objects so familiar 
That mothers shall but smile when they behold 
Their infants quarter' d 10 with 11 the hands of war; 
All pity choked 12 with custom of 13 fell 1 * deeds: 



x will do us more 
good than 
harm 

2 happen (We 
still use * 'be- 
fall" and 
"fallout" in 
this sense) 

3 a quadrisyl- 
lable 



Ho which 



Hapse of ages 

*open 

7 i. e. households 
shall be di- 
vided against 
themselves, 
Romans 
against 
Romans 

^oppress 

& usual 

^slaughtered 

"by 

12 being choked 

13 with the fre- 
quency of, or 
with the hav- 
ing grown ac- 
customed to 

u cruel 



* I. e. men shall be struck with paralysis, lameness, blindness, and all sorts 
of bodily infirmities. There is nothing uncommon in invoking curses on a 
person's "limbs," and certainly no reason to alter the text as some have sug- 
gested. Bodily infirmities are even nowadays considered by the vulgar to be 
a judgment or curse of heaven. 



Scene II] 



JULIUS CJESAK 



123 



And Caesar's spirit, ranging 1 for revenge, 270 

With Ate 2 by his side come hot from hell, 
Shall in these confines 3 with a monarch's voice 
Cry "Havoc!" 4 and let slip 5 the dogs of war; 6 
That 7 this foul deed shall smell above the earth 
With carrion 9 men, groaning for 9 burial. 

Enter a Servant. 
You serve Octavius Caesar, do you not? 

Serv. I do, Mark Antony. 

Ant. Caesar did write for him to come to 
Rome. 

Serv. He did receive his letters, and is coming; 
And bid me say to you by word of mouth, — ■ 280 
O Caesar! — [Seeing the body. 

Ant. Thy heart is big, 10 get thee apart and 
weep. 
Passion, 11 I see, is catching; for mine eyes, 
Seeing those beads of sorrow stand in thine, 
Began to water. Is thy master coming? 

Serv. He lies to-night within seven leagues 
of Rome. 

Ant. Post back with speed, and tell him what 
hath chanced: 
Here is a mourning Rome, a dangerous Rome, 
No Rome 12 of safety for Octavius yet; 
Hie 13 hence, and tell him so. Yet, stay awhile; 290 
Thou shalt not back, u till I have borne this 

corse 15 
Into the market-place: 16 there shall I try, 
In my oration, how the people take 
The cruel issue 17 of these bloody men; 
According to the which 18 thou shalt discourse 
To young Octavius of the state of things. 
Lend me your hand. 19 

[Exeunt with Caesar's body. 

Scene II. Rome. The Forum. 
Enter Brutus and Cassius, and a throng o/Citizens 
Citizens. We will be satisfied; 20 let us be 
satisfied. 



Scouring the 
land 

Hhe goddess of 
revenge 

Hhis district. 
Cf. Latin 
finis, which 
in the plural 
means terri- 
tories 

4 i. e. ' 'no 
quarter!" 

^unleash 

6 i. e. famine, 
sword, and 
fire. Cf. 
Henry V., 
Prologue, I. 7 

7 so that 

hotting 

^crying for 

10 swollen, burst- 
ing with sor- 
row 

n grief 



12 a play on the 
word ' 'room" 
^hasten 
xi go back 
l5 corpse 
16 Forum 

l7 deed 

l8 i. e. the way 

they take it 
19 we say "Lend 

me a, hand" 



20 we must have 
an explana- 
tion of this 
matter 



124 



JULIUS C^SAE 



[Act III 



Bru. Then follow me, and give me audience, 
friends. 

Cassius, go you into the other street, 

And part the numbers. 1 

Those that will hear me speak, let 'em stay- 
here; 

Those that will follow Cassius, go with him; 

And public reasons shall be rendered 2 

Of Caesar's death. 

1 Cit. I will hear Brutus speak. 

2 Cit. I will hear Cassius; and compare* 
their reasons, 

When severally we hear them rendered 2 10 

[Exit Cassius, with some of the Citizens. 
Brutus goes into the pulpit. 

3 Cit. The noble Brutus is 4 ascended: silence! 
Bru. Be patient till the last.* 

Romans, countrymen, and lovers! 6 hear me for 
my cause, and be silent, that you may hear: 
believe me for mine honour, and have respect 
to mine honour, that you may believe: censure 7 
me in your wisdom, and awake your senses, 
that you may the better judge. If there be 
any in this assembly, any dear friend of 
Caesar's, to him I say, that Brutus' love to 20 
Caesar was no less than his. If then that 
friend demand, why Brutus rose against Caesar 
this is my answer: — Not that I loved Caesar 
less, but that I loved Rome more. Had you 
rather Caesar were living, and die all slaves, 
than that Caesar were dead, to live all free men? 
As Caesar loved me, I weep for him; as he was 
fortunate, I rejoice at it* as he was valiant, I 
honour him; but, as he was ambitious, I 
slew him. There is 9 tears for his love; joy for 30 
his fortune; honour for his valour; and death 
for his ambition. Who is here so base, that 
would be 10 a bondman? If any, speak; for him 
have I offended . Who is here so rude, that would 



divide the 
crowd 



2 a trisyllable; 
given 



'compare we, 
let us com- 






pare 



*has 
h end 
friends 



1 judge {Latin 
censeo) 



8 his good 
fortune (The 
Clarendon 
Press edition 
says,"at your 
prosperity," 
but this seems 
impossible) 

*are 

10 as to wish U> be 



Scene II] 



JULIUS CJESAR 



125 



not be a Roman? 1 If any, speak; for him have 
I offended. Who is here so vile, that will 
not love his country? If any, speak; for him 
have I offended. I pause for a reply. 

All. None, Brutus, none. 

Bru. Then none have I offended. I have dO 
done no more to Caesar than you shall do to 
Brutus. The question of his death is enrolled 2 
in the Capitol; his glory not extenuated* 
wherein he was worthy, nor his offences en- 
forced,* for which he suffered death. 

Enter Antony and others, with Caesar's body. 

Here comes his body, mourned by Mark 
Antony: who, though he had no hand in his 
death, shall receive the benefit of his dying, 
a place in the commonwealth; as which of you 
shall not? With this 5 I depart, — that, as I 50 
slew my best lover for the good of Rome, I have 
the same dagger for myself, when it shall please 
my country to need my death. 
All. Live, Brutus! live! live! 

1 Cit. Bring him with triumph home unto 
his house. 

2 Cit. Give him a statue with his ancestors. 

3 Cit. Let him be Caesar. 

4 Cit. Caesar's better parts 6 
Shall now be crown' d? in Brutus. 

1 Cit. We'll bring him to his house with 
shouts and clamours. 

Bru. My countrymen,-*— 

2 Cit. Peace! silence! Brutus speaks. 60 
1 Cit. Peace, ho! 

Bru. Good countrymen, let me depart alone, 
And, for my sake, stay here with Antony: 
Do grace 9 to Caesar's corse* and grace his speech 
Tending to Caesar's glories, which Mark 

Antony, 
By our permission, is allow'd to make. 
I do entreat you, not a man depart, 



huch a bar- 
barian as to 
wish not to be 
a Roman 



Recorded 
z belittled 



^magnified 



H.e. with this 
remark (re- 
ferring to 
what follows) 



Qualities 
7 i. e. shall 
reach their 
culmination 
or crowning 
point 



8 honor 

9/ 



'corpse 



126 



JULIUS CAESAR 



[Act III 



Save I 1 alone, till Antony have spoke. 2 [Exit. 
1 Cit. Stay, ho! and let us hear Mark 
Antony. 

3 Cit. Let him go up into the public chair; 70 
We'll hear him. Noble Antony, go up. 

Ant. For Brutus' sake, I am beholding 3 to 
you. 

[Goes into the pulpit. 

4 Cit. What does he say of Brutus? 

3 Cit. He says, for Brutus' sake, 
He finds himself beholding 3 to us all. 

4 Cit. 'Twere best he speak no harm of 
Brutus here. 

1 Cit. This Caesar was a tyrant. 
3 Cit. Nay, that's certain: 

We are blessed that Rome is rid of him. 

2 Cit. Peace! let us hear what Antony can say. 80 
Ant. You gentle 4 Romans, — 

Citizens. Peace, ho! let us hear him. 

Ant. Friends, Romans, countrymen, lend me 
your ears; 5 
I come to bury* Caesar, not to praise him. 
The evil that men do lives after them ; 
The good is oft interred 6 with their bones; 
So let it be with Caesar, f The noble Brutus 
Hath told you Caesar was ambitious: 
If it were so, it was a grievous fault, 
And grievously hath Caesar answer' d it. 7 90 

Here, under leave of Brutus and the rest, — 
For Brutus is an honourable man, 
So are they all, all honourable men, — 
Come I to speak in 9 Caesar's funeral. 
He was my friend, faithful and just to me: 
But Brutus says he was ambitious; 
And Brutus is an honourable man. 
He hath brought many captives home to Rome, 



2 spoken 



3 beholden, 
obliged 






Hn the sense of 
our ' 'gentle- 
men" 

Histen to me 



6 a trisyllable 



^suffered for it, 
paid for it. 
(We still say 
1 'He has a 
great deal to 
answer for" 
in nearly the 
same sense) 

^during or at 



* An anachronism : at this time the dead were burnt on a funeral pyre. 

(Cf. III. ii. 263) 
t This refers to ' 'the good " only, and not to ' 'the evil." Let Caesar's good 
deeds be interred with him : I will not speak of them. 



Scene II] 



JULIUS CJESAR 



127 



Whose ransoms did the general coffers 1 fill: 

Did this in Caesar seem ambitious? 100 

When that 2 the poor have cried, Caesar hath 

wept: 
Ambition should be made of sterner stuff: 
Yet Brutus says he was ambitious; 
And Brutus is an honourable man. 
You all did see that on the Lupercal* 
I thrice presented him a kingly crown, 
Which he did thrice refuse: was this am- 
bition? 
Yet Brutus says he was ambitious; 
And, sure, he is an honourable man. 
I speak not to disprove what Brutus spoke, 110 
But here I am to speak what I do know. 
You all did love him once, not without cause: 
What cause withholds you then, to mourn 3 for 
him? 

judgment! thou art fled to brutish beasts, 
And men have lost their reason! Bear with 

me; 
My heart is in the coffin there with Caesar, 
And I must pause till it come back to me. 

1 Cit. Methinks there is much reason in his 
sayings. 

2 Cit. If thou consider rightly of the matter, 
Caesar has had great wrong. 120 

3 Cit. Has he, masters? 4 

1 fear there will a worse come in his place. 

4 Cit. Mark'd ye his words? He would not 
take the crown: 

Therefore 'tis certain he was not ambitious. 
1 Cit. If it be found so, some will dear abide 
it. 6 



Hhe treasury of 

the state 
2 when 



3 from mourning 



4 my men 



6 if this be found 
to be true, 
some will pay 
dearly for it 



* Mr. Wright (Clarendon Press) points out that the Lupercal was the cave 
or grotto in which Romulus and Remus were found, whereas Shakespeare 
speaks of it as a hill. But surely ' 'on the Lupercal" means ' 'during the festival 
of the Lupercalia." The preposition "on" is the natural one to express a 
point of time. We say, e. g., "on Sunday" "on the 1st of the month." In 
I. i. 75 we have "it is the feast of Lupercal" i. e., the feast Lupercal, where 
Lupercal is the name of the feast, and certainly not of a mountain. 



128 



JULIUS CiESAR 



[Act III 



2 Cit. Poor soul! his eyes are red as fire with 
weeping. 

3 Cit. There's not a nobler man in Rome 
than Antony. 

4 Cit. Now mark him, he begins again to 
speak. 

Ant. But yesterday the word of Caesar 

might 
Have stood against the world: now lies he 

there, 130 

And none so poor to do him reverence.* 

masters, 1 if I were disposed to stir 

Your hearts and minds to mutiny and rage, 

1 should do Brutus wrong, and Cassius wrong, 
Who, you all know, are honourable men: 

I will not do them wrong; I rather choose 
To wrong the dead, to wrong myself, and you, 
Than / will wrong 2 such honourable men. 
But here's a parchment with the seal of Caesar; 
I found it in his closet, 'tis his will: 140 

Let but the commons 3 hear this testament, — 
Which, pardon me, I do not mean to read, — 
And they would go and kiss dead Caesar's 

wounds 
And dip their napkins 4 in his sacred blood, 
Yea, beg a hair of him for memory, 
And, dying, mention it within their wills, 
Bequeathing it, as a rich legacy, 
Unto their issue. 

4 Cit. We'll hear the will: read it, Mark 

Antony. 
All. The will, the will! we will hear Caesar's 

will. 150 

Ant. Have patience, gentle friends, I must 

not read it; 
It is not meet you know how Caesar loved you. 



l my men 



Hhould strictly 
be li to 
wrong" 

s populace 



handkerchiefs 






* /. e. and (there is) none so poor (i. e. so lowly) (as) to do him reverence. 
The commentators seem to find needless difficulty in interpreting this line. 
The meaning is obvious, and the ellipsis natural. Cf . Twelfth Night, II. iv. 99 : 
"No woman's heart so big to hold so much," i.e. so big as to, etc.; and cf. 
also Julius Ccesar, IV. iii« 79: "so covetous, to lock." 



Scene II] 



JULIUS C^SAE 



129 



You are not wood, you are not stones, but men; 
And, being men, hearing the will of Caesar, 
It will inflame you, it will make you mad: 
'Tis good you know not that you are his heirs; 
For, if you should, O, what would come of it! 

4 Cit. Read the will! we'll hear it, Antony; 
You shall read us the will, Caesar's will. 

Ant. Will you be patient? will you stay 
awhile? 160 

I have o'ershot myself 1 to tell you of it: 
I fear I wrong the honourable men 
Whose daggers have stabb'd Caesar; I do 
fear it. 

4 Cit. They were traitors: honourable men! 

All. The will! the testament! 

2 Cit. They were villains, murderers: the 
will! read the will! 

Ant. You will compel me, then, to read the 
will? 
Then make a ring about the corse 2 of Caesar, 
And let me show you him that made the will. 
Shall I descend? and will you give me leave? 170 

AIL Come down. 

2 Cit. Descend. 

3 Cit. You shall have leave. [He comes 

4 Cit. A ring; stand round. down. 

1 Cit. Stand from 3 the hearse*, stand from 
the body. 

2 Cit. Room for Antony, most noble 
Antony. 

Ant. Nay, press 5 not so upon me; stand far 
off. 

Citizens. Stand back! Room! Bear back! 

Ant. If you have tears, prepare to shed 
them now. 
You all do know this mantle: I remember 180 
The first time ever Caesar put it on; 
'Twas on a summer's evening, in his tent, 
That day he overcame the Nervii: 6 
Look, in this place ran Cassius' dagger through : 



1 gone too far 



'corpse 



z away from 
^coffin 



5 crowd 



6 a Belgic tribe 
defeated by 
Cozsar at the 
battle of the 
Sambre, 
57 b. c. 



130 



JULIUS CAESAR 



[Act III 



See what a rent the envious 1 Casca made: 
Through this, the well-beloved Brutus stabb'd; 
And, as he plucked his cursed steel away, 
Mark how the blood of Caesar follow'd it, 
As 2 rushing out of doors, to be resolved 3 
If Brutus so unkindly knock' d, A or no; 190 

For Brutus, as you know, was Caesar's angel: 6 
Judge, O you gods, how dearly Caesar loved 

him! 
This was the most unkindest 6 cut of all; 
For when the noble Caesar saw him stab, 
Ingratitude, more strong than traitor's arms, 
Quite vanquish'd him: then burst his mighty 

heart; 
And, in his mantle muffling up his face, 
Even at the base of Pompey's statua, 
Which all the while ran blood, great Caesar fell. 
O, what a fall was there, my countrymen! 200 
Then I, and you, and all of us fell down, 
Whilst bloody treason flourished' 1 over us. 
O, now you weep, and I perceive, you feel 
The dint* of pity: these are gracious drops. 
Kind souls, what, weep you when you but 

behold 
Our Caesar's vesture wounded? Look you 

here. 
Here is himself, marr'd, 10 as you see, with" 

traitors. 

Cit. O piteous spectacle! 

Cit. O noble Caesar! 

at. O woful day! 210 

O traitors! villains! 
O most bloody sight! 
We will be revenged. 

Revenge! About! Seek! Burn! 
Kill ! Slay ! Let not a traitor live ! 



1 
2 
3 

4 at. 
i at. 
2 at 

Citizens. 
Fire! 
Ant. Stay, countrymen. 

1 at. Peace there! hear the noble Antony. 

2 at. We'll hear him, we'll follow him, 
we'll die with him. 



hnalicious 



2 as if 
Ascertain 
^struck 
5 second self 
(alter ego) 

6 double 
superlative 



7 stood 

triumphant 
Hmpression 
°holy 



w mangled 

Uhu 



Scene II] 



JULIUS CiESAR 



131 



Ant. Good friends, sweet friends, let me not 

stir you up 
To such a sudden flood of mutiny. 220 

They that have done this deed are honourable: 
What private griefs 1 they have, alas, I know not, 
That made them do it: they are wise and 

honourable, 
And will, no doubt, with reasons answer you. 
I come not, friends, to steal away your hearts : 2 
I am no orator, as Brutus is; 
But, as you know me all, a plain blunt man, 
That love my friend ; and that they know full well 
That gave me public leave to speak of him. 
For I have neither wit, 3 nor words, nor worth, 230 
Action, nor utterance,* nor the power of speech, 
To 5 stir men's.blood : I only speak right on; 6 
I tell you that which you yourselves do know; 
Show you sweet Caesar's wounds, poor, poor, 

dumb mouths, 
And bid them speak for me : but were I Brutus, 
And Brutus Antony, there were an Antony 7 
Would ruffle 8 up your spirits, and put a tongue 
In every wound of Caesar that should move 
The stones of Rome to rise and mutiny. 
Citizens. We'll mutiny. 

1 Cit. We'll burn the house of Brutus. 240 
3 Cit. Away, then! come, seek the conspirators. 
Ant. Yet hear me, countrymen ; yet hear me speak. 
Citizens. Peace, ho! 9 Hear Antony. Most 

noble Antony. 

Ant. Why, friends, you go to do you know not what : 
Wherein hath Caesar thus deserved your loves? 10 
Alas, you know not, — I will tell you then: 
You have forgot 11 the will I told you of. 

Citizens. Most true: the will! Let's stay and 
hear the will. 

Ant. Here is the will, and under Caesar's seal : — 
To every Roman citizen he gives, 250 

To every several 12 man, seventy-five drachmas. 13 

2 Cit. Most noble Caesar! We'll revenge his death 

3 Cit. O royal Caesar! 



grievances 



Head you astray 
by working 
on your 
emotions 

Hntelligence 
*fine elocution 

5 so as to 

6 straighton,i.e. 
without stop- 
ping to weigh 
what I am 
going to say 

7 he would be an 
Antony who, 
etc. 

s stir 



Hherel 



^either ( 'your 
manifesta- 
tions of love" 
or ' 'the love of 
you all" 

n forgotten 



^separate 
13 about fourteen 

and a half 

dollars 



132 



JULIUS C^SAR 



[Act III 



Ant. Hear me with patience. 

Citizens. Peace, ho! 

Ant. Moreover, he hath left you all his walks, 
His private arbours, and new-planted orchards, 
On this side Tiber; 1 he hath left them you, 
And to your heirs for ever; common pleasures, 
To walk abroad 2 and recreate 3 yourselves. 260 
Here was a Caesar! when comes such another? 

1 Cit. Never, never! Come away, away! 
We'll burn his body in the holy place, 

And with the brands fire* the traitors' houses. 
Take up the body. 

2 Cit. Go fetch fire. 

3 Cit. Pluck* down benches. 

4 Cit. Pluck 5 down forms, windows, anything. 

[Exeunt Citizens, with the body. 
Ant. Now let it work.* Mischief, thou art afoot, 
Take thou what course thou wilt! 
Enter a Servant. 

How now, fellow! 270 
Serv. Sir, Octavius is already come to Rome. 
Ant. Where is he? 

Serv. He and Lepidus are at Caesar's house. 
Ant. And thither will I 7 straight to visit him: 
He comes upon a wish. 9 Fortune is merry, 
And in this mood will give us anything. 

Serv. I heard him say, Brutus and Cassius 
Are rid 9 like madmen through the gates of Rome. 

Ant. Belike 10 they had some notice of 11 the people, 
How I had moved them. Bring me to Octavius. 

[Exeunt. 

Scene III. Rome. A Street. 
Enter Cinna, the Poet. 
Cin. I dreamt to-night 12 that I did feast with Caesar , 
And things unlucky charge my fantasy. 13 
I have no will to wander forth 14 of doors, 
Yet something leads me forth. 
Enter Citizens. 
1 Cit. What is your name? 



l i. e. on the 
Forum side 
of the Tiber, 
though 
Casar's 
gardens were 
really on the 
other side 

2 for walking 
abroad in 

^refreshing, or 
it may mean 
amusing, as 
we now use 
the word 
recreation. 
Possibly the 
two ideas are 
both con- 
tained in the 
word 

A a dissyllable 

5 pull, tear 

6 i. e. let the fer- 
ment I have 
produced go 
on by itself 

7 will I go 

s just as I was 
wishing for 
him 

9 have ridden 

10 probably 

u intimation 
about. Cf. 
our phrase 
"news of a 
thing" 



l2 last night 
u weigh upon 
my imagina- 
tion 
u out 



Scene III] 



JULIUS CiESAK 



133 



2 Cit. Whither are you going? 

3 Cit. Where do you dwell? 

4 Cit. Are you a married man, or a bachelor? 

2 Cit. Answer every man directly. 1 

1 Cit. Ay, and briefly. 10 
4 Cit. Ay, and wisely. 

3 Cit. Ay, and truly, you were best. 2 

Cin. What is my name? Whither am I 
going? Where do I dwell? Am I a 
married man or a bachelor? Then, to answer 
every man directly and briefly, wisely and 
truly: wisely I say, I am a bachelor. 

2 Cit. That's as much as to say, they are 
fools that marry: you'll bear me a bang 3 for 
that, I fear. Proceed; directly. 20 

Cin. Directly,* I am going to Caesar's funeral. 

1 Cit. As a friend, or an enemy? 
Cin. As a friend. 

2 Cit. That matter is answered directly. 

4 Cit. For your dwelling, briefly. 
Cin. Briefly, I dwell by the Capitol. 

3 Cit. Your name, sir, truly. 
Cin. Truly, my name is China. 

1 Cit. Tear him to pieces; he's a conspirator. 
Cin. I am Cinna the poet, I am Cinna the 

poet. 30 

4 Cit. Tear him for his bad verses, tear him 
for his bad verses. 

Cin. I am not Cinna the conspirator. 

2 Cit. It is no matter, his name's Cinna; 
pluck but his name out of his heart, and turn 
him going. 5 

3 Cit. Tear him, tear him! Come, brands, 
ho! fire-brands! To Brutus', to Cassius'; 
burn all. Some to Decius' house and some 
to Casca's; some to Ligarius'. Away! go! 

[Exeunt. 



straight- 
forwardly 

Ht were best for 
you 



z Vll see that you 
bear {receive) 
a blow 

4 a quibble on the 
word; here it 
means l 'im- 
mediately" 



6 pack him off 



134 



JULIUS CJESAR 



[Act IV 



ACT IV. 

Scene I. Rome. 1 A Room in Antony's House. 
Antony, Octavius, and Lepidus, seated at a table 

Ant. These 2 many, then, shall die; their 
names are down. 3 

Oct. Your brother 4 too must die; consent 
you, Lepidus? 

Lep. I do consent — 

Oct. Jot him down, Antony. 

Lep. Upon condition Publius* shall not live, 
Who is your sister's son, Mark Antony. 

Ant. He shall not live; look, with a spot 5 I 
damn 6 him. 
But Lepidus, go you to Caesar's house; 
Fetch the will hither, and we shall determine 
How to cut off some charge in legacies. 7 

Lep. What, shall I find you here? 10 

Oct. Or* here, or at the Capitol. 

[Exit Lepidus. 

Ant. This is a slight? unmeritable 10 man, 
Meet to be sent on errands: is it fit, 
The three-fold world divided, 11 he should stand 12 
One of the three to share it? 

Oct. So you thought him; 13 

And took his voice 14 who should be picked 15 to die, 
In our black sentence and proscription. 

Ant. Octavius, I have seen more days than 
you:f 
And though we lay these honours on this man, 
To ease ourselves of divers slanderous loads, 16 20 
He shall but bear them as the ass bears gold, 
To groan and sweat under the business, 
Either led or driven as we point the way; 
And having brought our treasure where we will, 



1 the meeting 
was really 
near Bolonia 
on a little 
island, and 
did not take 
place till 
October, 43 

B. C. 

2 $0 

Hicked off, 

marked down 
4 Paulus 

5 i. e., by writ- 
ing his name 
^condemn 

7 cut down some 
of the legacies 
("charge" is 
equivalent to 
"burden") 

8 either 

^worthless 

10 i. e. without 
merit 

n that in a three- 
fold division 
of the world 

12 be left 

13 you thought 
him a fit per- 
son 

14 allowed him a 
vote in our 
councils 

^condemned 

l6 sundry loads 
of abusive at- 
tacks 



*Publius. Plutarch says (Skeat's Ed., p. 169): "Antonius also forsook 
Lucius Ccesar, who was his uncle by his mother." Either Shakespeare has 
made a slip both in the name and relationship or the text is corrupt. 

t Antony was about twenty years older than Octavius, who was at this 
time twenty. 



Scene I] 



JULIUS C^SAR 



135 



Then take we down his load, and turn 1 him off; 
Like to the empty ass, to shake his ears 
And graze in 2 commons.* 

Oct. You may do your will; 

But he's a tried and valiant soldier. 3 

Ant. So is my horse, Octavius; and for 

that 
I do appoint* him store of provender. 5 
It is a creature that I teach to fight, 
To wind, 6 to stop, to run directly 7 on, 
His corporal 8 motion govern' d by my spirit. 
And, in some taste, 9 is Lepidus but so; 
He must be taught, and train' d, and bid go 

forth; 
A barren-spirited 10 fellow; one that feeds 
On objects, arts,f and imitations, 
Which, out of use and staled by other men, 
Begin his fashion: 11 do not talk of him 
But as a property. 12 And now, Octavius, 
Listen great things: — Brutus and Cassius 
Are levying powers: 13 we must straight make 

head: 14 
Therefore let our alliance be combined, 
Our best friends made, 15 and our best means 

stretctid out; 16 
And let us presently go sit in council 11 
How covert 18 matters may be best disclosed, 
And open perils surest answered 19 

Oct. Let us do so: for we are at the stake, 20 
And bayed about with 21 many enemies; 
And some that smile have in their hearts, I 

fear. 



Millions of mischiefs. 



[Exeunt. 



30 



40 



50 



x pack 

2 on 

z a trisyllable 

4 allot 

provisions 

6 wheel 

^straight 

s bodily 

9 in a way; to 
some extent 

10 dull 

u i. e., when they 
have been 
made com- 
mon by others 
and gone out 
offashion; 
they begin to 
be fashion- 
able with him 

12 tool 

13 forces 

u oppose them 

15 most useful 
friendships 
formed. Cf. 
our phrase 
''to make 
friends " 

16 made the most 
of 

17 go and sit, etc., 
i. e., consult 

l8 hidden 

19 most safely 
combated 

Hied to the stake 
like bears 
baited by dogs 



* Graze on the common land; a figurative way of expressing ' 'go back and 
form one of the multitude." 

t Other readings are: (1) ' 'abject orts" (Theobald's emendation) = thrown 
away fragments or fag-ends; (2) "abjects, orts" (Staunton's reading) = leav- 
ings, fragments; in the first case abject is an adjective, in the second a noun. 
(3) The folio reading was ' 'on objects, Arts, and Imitations," where ' 'objects" 
would mean ' 'things which catch his eye." Lepidus is a man who does not go 
into things deeply. 



136 



JULIUS CJESAR 



[Act IV 



Scene II. Before Brutus' Tent, in the Camp 

near Sardis. 

Drum. Enter Brutus, Lucilius, Lucius, and 
Soldiers; Titinius and Pindarus meet them 

Bru. Stand, ho! 

Lucil. Give the word, ho! and stand. 

Bru. What now, Lucilius! is Cassius near? 

Lucil. He is at hand; and Pindarus is come 
To do you salutation 1 from his master. 2 

Bru. He greets me well. 3 Your master, 
Pindarus, 
In his own change, or by ill officers, 4 
Hath given me some worthy cause 5 to wish 
Things done, undone; but, if he be at hand, 
I shall be satisfied. 

Pin. I do not doubt 10 

But that my noble master will appear 
Such as he is, full of regard and honour. 6 

Bru. He is not doubted. 7 A word, Lucilius: 
How he received you, let me be resolved* 

Lucil. With courtesy and with respect 
enough; 
But not with such familiar instances 9 
Nor with such free and friendly conference 10 
As he hath used 11 of old. 

Bru. Thou hast described 

A hot friend cooling: ever note, Lucilius, 
When love begins to sicken and decay, 20 

It useth an enforced ceremony. 
There are no tricks in plain and simple faith; 
But hollow 12 men, like horses hot at hand 13 
Make gallant show and promise of their 

mettle; 
But when they should endure the bloody spur, 
They fall 14 * their crests, and, like deceitful 

jades, 
Sink in the trial. Comes his army on? 

* For this transitive use of ' 'fall," cf . Othello, Act IV., Scene i 
If that the earth could teem with woman's tears, 
Each drop she falls would prove a crocodile. 



Salute you 

2 i. e. Cassius 

Opportunely 
(not, as some 
take it, ' ( in a 
friendly 
way") 

4 owing to some 
change in 
himself, or to 
the actions of 
bad officers 

5 good cause 

^show himself in 
his true char- 
acter, full of 
thoughtful- 
ness and 
honor 

7 1 do not mis- 
trust him 

Hell me 

^familiar atten- 
tions 

"talk 

n made use of 

12 insincere 

13 i. e. either 
when held in 
hand (curbed 
in), or when 
led by hand 
instead of be- 
ing mounted 

14 let fall 



Scene III] 



JULIUS C^ESAE 



137 



Lucil. They mean this night in Sardis 1 to be 
quarter'd; 
The greater part, the horse in general, 2 
Are come with Cassius. [March within. 

Bru. Hark! he is arrived. 30 

March gently on to meet him. 

Enter Cassius and his Powers. 3 
Cas. Stand, ho! 
Bru. Stand, ho! repeat* the word along. 

1 Sold. Stand! 

2 Sold. Stand! 

3 Sold. Stand! 

Cas. Most noble brother, you have done me wrong . 
Bru. Judge me, you gods! wrong I mine 
enemies? 
And, if not so, how should I wrong a brother? 
Cas. Brutus, this sober form of yours hides 40 
wrongs; 
And when you do them — 

Bru. Cassius, be content, 5 

Speak your griefs 6 softly: I do know you well. 
Before the eyes of both our armies here, 
Which should perceive nothing but love from us, 
Let us not wrangle: bid them move away; 
Then in my tent, Cassius, enlarge your griefs? 
And I will give you audience. 

Cas. Pindarus, 

Bid our commanders lead their charges* off 
A little from 9 this ground. 
Bru. Lucilius, do you the like; and let no 
man 50 

Come to our tent till we have done our con- 
ference. 
Let Lucius and Titinius guard our door. 

[Exeunt. 

Scene III. Within the Tent of Brutus. 

Enter Brutus and Cassius. 
Cas. That you have wrong'd me, doth appear 
in this: 



l chief town of 

Lydia 
Hhe main body 

of the horse 



Soldiers 

l pass, i. e. say 
it one after 
another 



^contain your- 
self, be calm 
^grievances 
^enlarge upon 
{speak freely 
of) your 
grievances 



Hroops 
"away from 



138 



JULIUS CJESAR 



[Act IV 



You have condemn'd and noted*- Lucius Pella 
For taking bribes here of the Sardians; 
Wherein my letters, praying on his side* 
Because I knew the man, were slighted off. 3 
Bru. You wrong'd yourself to write in 

such a case. 
Cas. In such a time as this it is not meet 
That every nice* offence should bear his com- 
ment. 5 
Bru. Let me tell you, Cassius, you yourself 
Are much condemn'd to have 6 an itching palm; 
To sell and mart 7 your offices for gold 
To undeservers. 

Cas- I an itching palm! 

You know that you are Brutus that speaks 

this, 
Or, by the gods, this speech were else your 
last. 
Bru. The name of Cassius honours* 
corruption, 
And chastisement doth therefore hide 
head. 
Cas. Chastisement! 

Bru. Remember March, the ides of March 
remember: 
Did not great Julius bleed for justice' sake? 
What villain touch'd his body, that did stab, 
And not for justice?* What, shall one of us, 
That struck the foremost man of all this world 
But for supporting" robbers, shall we now 
Contaminate our fingers with base bribes, 
And sell the mighty space of our large honours* 
For so much trash as may be grasped thus? 12 
I had rather be a dog, and bay the moon, 
Than such a Roman. 
Cas. Brutus, bait 13 not me, 



this 
his* 



10 



20 



1 openly dis- 
graced 

2 behalf 

Hreated with 
contemptuous 
neglect 



Hrivial 

5 be commented 

upon (his = 

its) 
6 for having 
7 for selling and 

trafficking 



^renders 
honorable 
(this is sar- 
castic) 

Hts 



10 for aught but 
justice' sake 

n simply for 
counte- 
nancing 

12 i. e. for a 
handful of 
paltry gold 

13 others read 
"bay" 



I. e. the vast empire of our great honor, which is contrasted in the 
next hne with a mere handful of dross Honors is plural, as abstract words 
otten are m bhakespeare, when applied to more than one person at the same 
time. 



Scene III] 



JULIUS CJESAR 



139 



I'll not endure it : you forget yourself, 

To hedge me in; 1 I am a soldier, I, 30 

Older in practice, abler than yourself 

To make conditions? 

Bru. Go to; 3 you are not, Cassius. 

Cas. I am. 

Bru. I say you are not. 

Cas. Urge me no more, I shall forget myself; 
Have mind upon your health, 4 tempt me no 
farther. 

Bru. Away, slight 5 man! 

Cas. Is't possible? 

Bru. Hear me, for I will speak. 

Must I give way and room to your rash choler? 6 
Shall I be frighted 7 when a madman stares? 40 

Cas. O ye gods, ye gods! Must I endure 
all this? 

Bru. All this? ay, more: fret, till your 
proud heart break; 
Go show your slaves how choleric you are, 
And make your bondmen tremble. Must I 

budge?* 
Must I observe 9 you? Must I stand and 

crouch 
Under your testy humour? 10 By the gods, 
You shall digest the venom of your spleen, 11 
Though it do split 12 you; for, from this day 

forth, 
I'll use you for my mirth, yea, for my laughter, 
When you are waspish. 13 

Cas. Is it come to this? 50 

Bru. You say, you are a better soldier : u 
Let it appear so; 15 make your vaunting true, 
And it sfyall please me well : for mine own part, 
I shall be glad to learn of noble men. 

Cas. You wrong me every way; you wrong 
me, Brutus; 
I said, an elder soldier, not a better: 
Did I say, better? 

Bru. If you did, I care not. 



Hn putting re- 
straint upon 
me 

2 i. e. with the 
people on 
whom offices 
are to be be- 
stowed 

s enough 

4 a care for your 
own safety 

Hnsignificant 



"anger 
"^affrighted 



°give way 

9 pay court to, 
look up to 

10 cower before 
your peevish- 
ness 

n your venomous 
malice 

12 burst 

^malignant 

u a trisyllable 
l5 be proved 



140 



JULIUS CAESAR 



[Act IV 



Cas. When Caesar lived, he durst not thus 
have moved 1 me. 

Bru. Peace, peace! you durst not so have 
tempted 2 him. 

Cas. I durst not? 60 

Bru. No. 

Cas. What, durst not tempt 3 him? 

Bru. For your life you durst not. 

Cas. Do not presume too much upon my love ; 
I may do that I shall be sorry for. 

Bru. You have done that you should be 
sorry for. 
There is no terror, Cassius, in your threats; 
For I am arm'd so strong in honesty 4 
That they pass by me as the idle wind, 
Which I respect 5 not. I did send to you 
For certain sums of gold, which you denied me : 70 
For I can raise no money by vile means: 
By heaven, I had rather coin my heart* 
And drop my blood for drachmas, than to wring 
From the hard 7 hands of peasants their vile trash 8 
By any indirection: 9 I did send 
To you for gold to pay my legions, 
Which you denied me: was that done like 

Cassius? 
Should I have answer'd Caius Cassius so? 
When Marcus Brutus grows so covetous, 
To lock such rascal counters 10 from his friends, 80 
Be ready, gods, with ail your thunderbolts; 
Dash him to pieces! 

Cas. I denied you not. 

Bru. You did. 

Cas. I did not: he was but a fool 
That brought 11 my answer back. Brutus hath 

rived 12 my heart : 
A friend should bear his friend's infirmities. 13 
But Brutus makes mine greater than they are. 
Bru. I do not, till you practice them on me.* 



housed 

2 provoked. Cf. 
our modern 
phrase 

"Don't tempt 
me too far," 
in the same 
sense 

3 provoke 

4 honor 

5 heed 

6 give my heart 
to be made 
into money 

7 i. e. hard with 
working. We 
still talk of 
the * 'horny- 
handed sons 
of toil" 

s paltry coppers 

* crooked con- 
duct, dishon- 
orable 

means. In- 
direct is not 
straight, i. e. 
not straight- 
forward, 
hence 

"crooked 11 in 
a bad sense 

10 worthless coins 
"Counters' 1 
were of prac- 
tically no in- 
trinsic value 



ll took 

12 riven 

13 weaknesses 



* I. e. jiot "I do not make them greater till," etc., but "I do not fail to 
bear them except when you bring them out in your dealings with me." 



Scene III] 



JULIUS CJESAE 



141 



Cas. You love me not. 

Bru. I do not like your faults. 

Cas. A friendly eye could never see such 
faults. 

Bru. A flatterer's would not, though they 
do appear 1 90 

As huge as high Olympus. 

Cas. Come, Antony, and young Octavius, 
come, 
Revenge yourselves alone on Cassius, 2 
For Cassius is aweary* of the world; 
Hated by one he loves; braved by his brother; 
Check' d* like a bondman; all his faults ob- 
served, 
Set in a note-book, learn'd, and conn'd by rote, 5 
To cast into my teeth. O, I could weep 
My spirit from mine eyes! There is my dagger, 
And here my naked breast; within, a heart 100 
Dearer 6 than Plutus' 7 mine, richer than gold: 
If that thou* be'st a Roman, take it forth; 
I, that denied thee* gold, will give my heart: 
Strike, as thou* didst at Caesar; for, I know, 
When thou* didst hate him worst, thou* 

lovedst him better 
Than ever thou* lovedst Cassius. 

Bru. Sheathe your dagger: 

Be angry when you will, it shall have scope; 8 
Do what you will, dishonour shall be humour. 9 
O Cassius, you are yoked with a lamb 
That carries anger as the flint bears fire,f 110 
Who, 10 much enforced, 11 shows a hasty spark, 
And straight 12 is cold again. 

Cas. Hath Cassius lived 

To be but mirth and laughter to his Brutus, 
When grief and blood ill-temper'd vexeth him? 



hhould actually 
appear. An 
emphatic sub- 
junctive, not 
a statement of 
fact 

2 on Cassius 
alone 

3 right weary 
("a" is in- 
tensive) 

*held in check, 

Hearnt by 
heart 



s more precious 
7 the god of 
riches 



s your anger 
shall have full 
play 

9 7 will regard 
your dis- 
honorable 
conduct as a 
mere caprice 

10 which 

n struck hard 

n straightway 



* It is worth remark that Cassius in this speech uses the second person 
singular in speaking to Brutus, whereas Brutus all along uses the plural, as 
does Cassius in the rest of the dialogue. It is probably an intentional indica- 
tion of Cassius' extreme emotion for the moment. 

t /. e. that has anger burning in its breast, but displays it in mere momen- 
tary flashes, and that only when forced to it. 



142 



JULIUS CiESAR 



[Act IV 



Bru. When I spoke that, I was ill-temper' d 

too. 
Cas. Do you confess so much? Give me 

your hand. 
Bru. And my heart too. 
Cas. O Brutus! 

Bru. What's the matter? 

Cas. Have not you love enough to bear 
with me, 
When that rash humour 1 which my mother 

gave me 
Makes me forgetful? 120 

Bru. Yes, Cassius, and, from henceforth, 
When you are over-earnest 2 with your Brutus, 
He'll think your mother chides, 3 and leave 
you so. 

[Noise within. 
Poet.* [Within] Let me go in to see the 
generals ; 
There is some grudge 5 between 'em; 'tis not 

meet 
They be alone. 

Lucil. [Within] You shall not come to them. 
Poet. [Within] Nothing but death shall stay 6 
me. 
Enter Poet, followed by Lucilius, Titinius, and 
Lucius. 
Cas. How now! What's the matter? 
Poet. For shame, you generals! What do you 
mean? 130 

Love, and be friends, as two such men should 

be; 
For I have seen more years, I'm sure, than 
ye.* 
Cas. Ha, ha! how vilely doth this cynic 7 
rhyme! 

* The verses are a translation of lines uttered by Nestor in the Iliad, and in 
North's Plutarch run as follows: — 

"My lords, I pray you hearken both to me, 
For I have seen mo years than suchie three." 

Skeat's Plutarch, p. 134. 



Hemperament 



2 use too hard 
words 

Hhat it is your 
mother who 
is scolding 

Hn Plutarch it 
is Marcus 
Phaonius, a 
crazy philoso- 
pher, and not 
a poet, who 
makes his 
way into the 
tent 

Hll-feeling 



' rude fellow. 
The cynics 
were very out- 
spoken phil- 
osophers^ 



Scene III] 



JULIUS C^ESAB 



143 



Bru. Get you hence, sirrah; saucy fellow, 

hence! 
Cas. Bear with him, Brutus; 'tis his fashion. 1 
Bru. I'll know his humour, when he knows 
his time:* 
What should the wars do with these jigging 

fools?*— 
Companion,* hence! 
Cas. Away, away, be gone! 

[Exit Poet. 
Bru. Lucilius and Titinius, bid the com- 
manders 
Prepare to lodge their companies to-night. 140 
Cas. And come yourselves, and bring 
Messala with you, 
Immediately to us. 

[Exeunt Lucilius and Titinius. 
Bru. Lucius, a bowl of wine! 

[Exit Lucius. 
Cas. I did not think you could have been 

so angry. 
Bru. O Cassius, I am sick of many griefs. 4 ' 
Cas. Of your philosophy you make no use, 
If you give place to accidental evils. 5 
Bru. No man bears sorrow better. Portia is 

dead. 
Cas. Ha! Portia? 
Bru. She is dead. 

Cas. How 'scaped I killing 6 when I cross'd 
you so? — 150 

O insupportable and touching loss! — 
Upon 7 what sickness? 

Bru. Impatient of 8 my absence, 

And grief, that young Octavius with Mark 

Antony 
Have made themselves so strong; — for with 9 

her death 
That tidings came: with this she fell distract, 10 



x way: a trisyl- 
lable here 



^rhyming fools, 
or silly poets 
3 you fellow! 



4 with many 

sorrows 
6 give way to 

chance evils 



*being killed 

7 from 
B from im- 
patience at 

9 just before 
10 distracted 



* I'll pay regard to his humor when he pays regard to the seasonableness of 
his visits. 



144 



JULIUS CAESAR 



[Act IV 



And, her attendants absent, swallowed fire. 

Cas. And died so? 

Bru. Even so. 

Cas. O ye immortal gods! 

Re-enter Lucius with wine and tapers. 

Bru. Speak no more of her. — Give me a 
bowl of wine. 
In this I bury all unkindness, Cassius. [Drinks. 

Cas. My heart is thirsty for that noble 
pledge. 160 

Fill, Lucius, till the wine o'erswell the cup; 
I cannot drink too much of Brutus' love. 

[Drinks. 

Bru. Come in, Titinius! [Exit Lucius. 

Re-enter Titinius, with Messala. 
Welcome, good Messala. 
Now sit we close about this taper here, 
And call in question our necessities. 1 

Cas. Portia, art thou gone? 

Bru. No more, I pray you. 

Messala, I have here received letters, 
That young Octavius and Mark Antony 
Come down upon us with a mighty power, 2 
Bending their expedition 3 toward Philippi. 170 

Mes. Myself have letters of the self-same 
tenour. 

Bru. With what addition? 

Mes. That by proscription and bills of out- 
lawry,* 
Octavius, Antony, and Lepidus 
Have put to death an hundred senators. 

Bru. Therein our letters do not well agree; 
Mine speak of seventy senators that died 
By their proscriptions, Cicero being one. 

Cas. Cicero one! 

Mes. Cicero is dead, 

And by that order of proscription. 180 

Had you your letters from your wife, my lord? 

Bru. No, Messala. 

Mes. Nor nothing 5 in your letters writ 6 of her? 



l go into the 
question of 
what is to be 
done 



*force 
z marching 



placards adver- 
tising certain 
persons as 
outlaws 



. 



^anything 
^written 



Scene III] 



JULIUS OffiSAR 



145 



Bru. Nothing, Messala. 

Mes. That, methinks, is strange. 

Bru. Why ask you? Hear you aught of 

her in yours? 
Mes. No, my lord. 
Bru. Now, as you are a Roman, tell me 

true. 
Mes. Then like a Roman bear the truth I 
tell: 
For certain she is dead, and by strange manner. 1 
Bru. Why, 2 farewell, Portia. We must die, 
Messala: 190 

With meditating that she must die once, 3 
I have the patience to endure it now. 
Mes. Even so great men great losses should 

endure. 
Cas. I have as much of this in art 4 * as you, 
But yet my nature could not bear it so. 
Bru. Well, to our work alive. 5 What do you 
think 
Of marching to Philippi presently? 
Cas. I do not think it good. 
Bru. Your reason? 

Cas. This it is: 

J Tis better that the enemy seek us: 
So shall he waste his means, weary his soldiers, 200 
Doing himself offence; 6 whilst we, lying still, 
Are full of rest, defence, and nimbleness. 
Bru. Good reasons must, of force, 7 give place 8 
to better. 
The people 'twixt Philippi and this ground 
Do stand but in a forced affection; 9 
For they have grudged us contribution: 
The enemy, marching along by them, 10 
By them shall make a fuller number up, 11 
Come on refresh'd, new-added, 12 and encouraged : 
From which advantage shall we cut him off, 210 



x and met her 
death in a 
strange 
manner 

2 well (in a tone 
of resigna- 
tion) 

*at some time or 
other 

Hn my phil- 
osophy 

Ho our business 
with the liv- 
ing; 

no more of 
the dead! 



*harm 
^perforce 



9 only appear to 
like us be- 
cause they are 
forced to 



^through their 

district 
n be reinforced 
12 with increased 

numbers 



* Cassius' philosophy — he was a Stoic by conviction — like Brutus', would 
bid him bear a great grief like Brutus does; but he feels that his nature would 
not allow him to bear it so well. (See Characters of the Play, p. 39.) 



146 



JULIUS CJESAR 



[Act IV 



If at Philippi we do face him there, 
These people at our back. 

Cas. Hear me, good brother. 

Bru. Under your pardon. 1 You must note 
beside, 
That we have tried the utmost of our friends,* 
Our legions are brim-full, our cause is ripe: 
The enemy increaseth every day; 
We, at the height, are ready to decline.* 
There is a tide in the affairs of men, 
Which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune; 220 
Omitted, 3 all the voyage of their life 
Is bound in shallows and in miseries. f 
On such a full sea are we now afloat; 
And we must take the current when it serves, 
Or lose our ventures* 

Cas. Then, with your will, 5 go on; 

We'll along ourselves, and meet them at 
Philippi. 

Bru. The deep 6 of night is 7 crept upon our 
talk, 
And nature must obey necessity; 
Which we will niggard* with a little rest. 
There is no more to say? 

Cas. No more. Good night: 230 

Early to-morrow will we rise and hence. 

Bru. Lucius! [Re-enter Lucius] — My gown. 9 
[Exit Lucius.] Farewell, good Messala: 
Good night, Titinius. Noble, noble Cassius, 
Good night, and good repose. 

Cas. O my dear brother! 

This was an ill beginning of the night: 
Never come such division 'tween our souls! 
Let it not, Brutus. 

Bru. Everything is well. 

Cas. Good night, my lord. 



1 with your good 
permission, I 
have some' 
thing more to 
say 

2 got all the help 
we can from 
our friends 



Hf not taken 
advantage of 



hohat we have 
risked, i. e., 
the cargo or 
merchandise; 
cf. our 
phrase "The 
Company of 
Merchant 
Venturers" 

6 as you wish 

Hepth 

''has 

8 stint 

^dressing gown 



* I.e. our numbers have reached the highest point they can, and so any 
change in them must be by way of decrease. 

t I.e. they journey through life buffeted by miseries, as a boat is 
buffeted by the choppy waves of shallow waters. 



Scene III] 



JULIUS C^ESAE 



147 



Bru. Good night, good brother. 

Tit. and Mes. Good night, Lord Brutus. 
Bru. Farewell, every one. 

[Exeunt Cassius, Titintius, and Messala. 
Re-enter Lucius, with the gown. 
Give me the gown. Where is thy instrument? 240 
Luc. Here in the tent. 
Bru. What, thou speak'st drowsily? 

Poor knave, 1 I blame thee not; thou art o'er- 

watch' d* 
Call Claudius, and some other 3 of my men; 
I'll have them sleep on cushions in my tent. 
Luc. Varro and Claudius! 

Enter Varro and Claudius. 
Var. Calls my lord? 

Bru. I pray you, sirs, lie in my tent and 
sleep; 
It may be, I shall raise* you by and by 
On business to my brother Cassius. 

Var. So please you, 5 we will stand and watch 

your pleasure. 250 

Bru. I will not have it so: lie down, good 
sirs; 
It may be I shall otherwise bethink me. 6 
Look, Lucius, here's the book I sought for so; 
I put it in the pocket of my gown. 

[Varro and Claudius lie down. 
Luc. I was sure your lordship did not give it 

me. 
Bru. Bear with me, 7 good boy, I am much 9 
forgetful. 
Canst thou hold up thy heavy eyes awhile, 
And touch thy instrument a strain or two? 
Luc. Ay, my lord, an'P please you. 
Bru. It does, my boy: 

I trouble thee too much, but thou art willing. 260 
Luc. It is my duty, sir. 
Bru. I should not 10 urge thy duty past thy 
might; 
I know young bloods 11 look for a time of rest. 



Had 

Hired out with 

watching 
s others 



house 

6 if it so please 
you 



^change my 
mind 



7 don't mind 

what I say 
8 very 



Hf it 



10 I ought not to 



n people. Cf. I. 
ii. 151 



148 



JULIUS CAESAR 



[Act IV 



Luc. I have slept, my lord, already. 
Bru. It was well done; and thou shalt sleep 
again: 
I will not hold 1 thee long: if I do live, 
I will be good to thee. 

[Music, and a Song. 
This is a sleepy tune: O murderous slumber, 
Lay'st thou thy leaden mace upon my boy, 
That plays thee music?* Gentle knave, 2 good 

> night; 
I will not do thee so much wrong to z wake thee : 
If thou dost nod, thou break' st* thy instrument; 
I'll take it from thee; and, good boy, good 

night. 
Let me see, let me see; is not the leaf turn'd 

down 
Where I left 5 reading? Here it is, I think. 

[He sits down. 
Enter the Ghost of Cesak. 
How ill this taper burns ! Ha ! who comes here? 
I think, it is the weakness of mine eyes 
That shapes this monstrous apparition. 
It comes upon me. — Art thou anything? 
Art thou some god, some angel, or some devil, 
That makest my blood cold, and my hair to 

stare? 6 
Speak to 7 me, what thou art. 
Ghost. Thy evil spirit, Brutus. 
Bru. Why comest thou? 

Ghost. To tell thee thou shalt see me at 

Philippi. 
Bru. Well; then I shall see thee again? 
Ghost. Ay, at Philippi. 
Bru. Why, 8 1 will see thee at Philippi, then. 

[Ghost vanishes. 
Now I have taken heart thou vanishest: 
111 spirit, I would hold more talk with thee. 



270 



280 



Had 



3 as to 
4 art sure to 
break 



Heft off 



6 stand on end 
Hell 



^very well 



*The idea is that Sleep — whose mace or emblem of authority is ap- 
propriately of lead — is about to take Lucius into custody, and is touch- 
ing him with the mace as a sign of arrest. In other words, Lucius is falling 
asleep. 



Scene III] 



JULIUS CAESAR 



149 



Boy, Lucius! Varro! Claudius! Sirs, awake! 290 
Claudius! 

Luc. The strings, my lord, are false. 1 

Bru. He thinks he still is at his instrument. 
Lucius, awake! 

Luc. My lord? 

Bru. Didst thou dream, Lucius, that thou so 
criedst out? 

Luc. My lord, I do not know that I did cry. 

Bru. Yes, that thou didst: didst thou see 
anything? 

Luc. Nothing, my lord. 

Bru. Sleep again, Lucius. Sirrah, Claudius! 300 
[To Varro.] Fellow thou, awake! 

Var. My lord? 

Clau. My lord? 

Bru. Why did you so cry out, sirs, in your 
sleep? 

Var. and Clau. Did we, my lord? 

Bru. Ay, saw you anything? 

Var. No, my lord, I saw nothing. 

Clau. Nor I, my lord. 

Bru. Go, and commend me to my brother 
Cassius; 
Bid him set on his powers betimes 2 before, 
And we will follow. 

Var. and Clau. It shall be done, my lord. 

[Exeunt. 



l out of tune 



2 march his 
forces early 



150 



JULIUS CiESAK 



[Act V 



ACT V. 

Scene I. The Plains of Philippi, 

Enter Octavius, Antony, and their Army. 
Oct. Now, Antony, our hopes are answered: 1 
You said the enemy would not come down, 
But keep the hills and upper regions; 
It proves not so: their battles 2 are at hand; 
They mean to warn 3 us at Philippi here, 
Answering before we do demand of them.* 

Ant. Tut, 3 1 am in their bosoms, 4 and I know 
Wherefore they do it: they could be content 5 
To visit other places; and come down 
With fearful bravery, 6 thinking by this face 7 10 
To fasten in our thoughts 8 that they have 

courage; 
But 'tis not so. 

Enter a Messenger. 
Mess. Prepare you, generals; 

The enemy comes on in gallant show; 
Their bloody sign of battle* is hung out, 
And something to be done immediately. 

Ant. Octavius, lead your battle™ softly 11 on 
Upon the left hand of the even 12 field. 

Oct. Upon the right hand I; keep thou the 

left. 
Ant. Why do you cross me in this exigent? 1 *] 
Oct. I do not cross you; but I will do so 1 * 20 

[March. 
Drum. Enter Brutus, Cassitjs, and their Army; 
Lucilius, Titinius, Messala, and others. 
Bru. They stand, and would have parley. 
Cas. Stand fast, Titinius: we must out and 

talk. 
Oct. Mark Antony, shall we give sign of battle? 



Carried out 



2 forces, 
battalions 

^summon 

^nonsense! 

4 know their 
secrets 

*would be glad. 
Cf. French 
content = 
pleased, glad 

^formidable 
show of 
valor 

7 shov) of valor 

s to convince us 

9 scarlet ensign 
or banner. 
Plutarch (Ed. 
Skeat, 139) 
says the sig- 
nal of battle 
was "an 
arming 
scarlet coat 1 * 

10 division 

n slowly 

12 flat, level 

xZ exigency, 
crisis 

x Hn Plutarch 
Octavius is 
on the left. 

(See Historical 
Introduction 

v-47.) 



* I. e. answering our question before we ask it — a figurative way of saying 
"defending themselves against us before being attacked by us." 

tFor "exigent" as a noun, cf. Holland's Livy, p. 120: "Pittying the un- 
happy and unfortunate beautie of the damsell: and bewailing the hard 
exigent and extremitie of the father." So, also, several times in Shakespeare, 



Scene I] 



JULIUS C^SAB 



151 



Ant. No, Caesar, we will answer on their 
charge. 1 
Make forth; 2 the generals would have some 
words. 
Oct. Stir not until the signal. 
Bru. Words before blows: is it so, country- 
men? 
Oct. Not that we love words better, as you do. 
Bru. Good words are better than bad 

strokes, Octavius. 
Ant. In your bad strokes, Brutus, you give 
good words: 30 

Witness the hole you made in Caesar's heart, 
Crying, "Long live! hail, Caesar!" 

Cas. Antony, 

The posture 3 of your blows are 4 yet unknown; 
But for your words, they rob the Hybla 5 bees, 
And leave them honeyless. 
Ant. Not stingless too. 

Bru. O, yes, and soundless too;* 
For you have stol'n their buzzing, Antony, 
And very wisely threat before you sting. 
Ant. Villains, you did not so, when your vile 
daggers 
Hack'd one another in the sides of Caesar :f 40 
You showed your teeth like apes, 5 and fawn'd like 

hounds, 
And bow'd like bondmen, kissing Caesar's feet; 
Whilst damned Casca, like a cur, behind, 
Struck Caesar on the neck. O, you flatterers! 

Cas. Flatterers! — Now, Brutus, thank yourself: 
This tongue had not offended so to-day, 
If Cassius might have ruled, t 



l will wait till 
they charge (a 
natural ex- 
pression: an 
answer im- 
plies a pre- 
vious ques- 
tion. Antony 
says they will 
act on the de- 
fensive, which 
implies simi- 
larly a pre- 
vious attack) 

2 forward! 

direction 

Hs 

5 a town in 
Sicily, the 
neighbor- 
hood of which 
was celebrated 
for honey 



6 i. e., grinned 



* I. e. they are sweeter than the honey of the bees of Hybla. Antony re- 
plies: "Yes, but they have no sting like the bees." Brutus replies: "Yes, 
they have both more sting and make more noise than the bees." 

t I. e. so many of them struck at Caesar that their daggers knocked against 
one another in Caesar's body. 

t He would not have used such offensive language if I had had my way. In 
II. i. 161 Cassius urges that Antony should be put to death: ' 'Let Antony and 
Caesar fall together," 



152 



JULIUS CJESAR 



[Act V 



Oct. Come, come, the cause: 1 if arguing make 
us sweat, 
The proof 2 of it will turn to redder drops. 
Look; 50 

I draw a sword against conspirators; 
When think you that the sword goes up 3 again? 
Never, till Caesar's three and thirty* wounds 
Be well avenged, or till another Caesar 
Have added slaughter to 5 the sword of traitors. 

Bru. Caesar, thou canst not die by traitors' 
hands, 
Unless thou bring'st them with thee. 

Oct. So I hope; 

I was not born to die on 6 Brutus' sword. 

Bru. O, if thou wert the noblest of thy 
strain, 7 
Young man, thou couldst not die more honour- 
able. 9 60 

Cas. A peevish 9 school-boy, worthless of such 
honour, 
Joined with a masker and a reveller] 10 

Ant. Old Cassius still! 11 

Oct. Come, Antony, away! 

Defiance, traitors, hurl we in your teeth: 
If you dare fight to-day, come to the field; 
If not, when you have stomachs. 12 
[Exeunt Octavius, Antony, and their Army. 

Cas. Why, now, blow wind, swell billow, and 
swim bark! 13 
The storm is up, and all is on the hazard. u 

Bru. Ho, Lucilius! hark, a word with you. 

Lucil. [Standing forth] My lord? 70 

[Brutus and Lucilius talk apart. 

Cas. Messala! 

Mes. [Standing forth] What says my general? 

Cas. Messala, 

This is my birthday; as 15 this very day 
Was Cassius born. Give me thy hand, 

Messala: 
Be thou my witness that against my will, 



Ho the matter 
before us 

2 i. e., the de- 
cision by 
arms 

Hnto its sheath. 
We still say 
"Put up thy 
sword" 

^Plutarch, 
Appian, and 
Suetonius all 
say he had 
twenty-three 
wounds 

5 furnish an- 
other victim 
for 

6 by 

''race 

^honorably 

^wayward 

10 i. e. Antony 



11 the same 
spiteful- 
tongued Cas- 
sius as of old! 

12 feel inclined 



13 i. e., away 
with peace, 
let the worst 
come! 

u must be left to 
fortune 



*on 



Scene I] 



JULIUS C^ESAK 



153 



As Pompey was, 1 am I compell'd to set 

Upon one battle all our liberties. 

You know that I held Epicurus strong, 2 

And his opinion: now, I change my mind, 

And partly credit things that do presage. 3 

Coming from Sardis, on our former* ensign 80 

Two mighty eagles fell; and there they 

perch'd 
Gorging and feeding from our soldiers' hands; 
Who to Philippi here consorted 5 us: 
This morning are they fled away and gone, 
And in their steads* do ravens, crows and kites, 
Fly o'er our heads, and downward look on us, 
As 7 we were sickly prey: their shadows seem 
A canopy most fatal, under which 
Our army lies, ready to give up the ghost. 

Mes. Believe not so. 

Cas. I but believe it partly; 9 90 

For I am fresh of spirit and resolved 
To meet all perils very constantly. 9 — 

Bru. Even so, Lucilius. — 

Cas. Now, most noble Brutus, 

The gods to-day stand 10 friendly, that we may, 
Lovers 11 in peace, lead on our days to age! 
But since the affairs of men rest still incertain, 12 
Let's reason with 13 the worst that may befall: 
If we do lose this battle, then is this 
The very last time we shall speak together: 
What are you then determined 14 to do? 100 

Bru. Even by 15 the rule of that philosophy* 
By which I did blame Cato for the death 
Which he did give himself, I know not how, 
But I do find it cowardly and vile, 
For fear of what might fall, 15 so to prevent 17 
The time of life: 18 arming myself with patience 



*i. e., at the bat- 
tle of Phar- 
salia 

2 wasafirm 
believer in 
Epicurus. 
(Epicurus 
did not be- 
lieve in signs 
and omens) 

z foretell the 
future 

^foremost, front 

Accompanied 

6 place 

7 as if 



8 believe it but 
partly 

9 firmly, reso- 
lutely 

10 in an optative 
sense, i. e., 
may the gods 
show them- 
selves 
friendly 

n friends 

12 uncertain 

l3 discuss 

u a quadrisyl- 
lable 
15 following 

u befall 
^anticipate 
18 the full period 
of life 



* I. e. the Stoic philosophy, which counselled resignation to the will of the 
gods, and therefore would not allow a man to anticipate his natural death by- 
suicide. But Brutus soon changes his mind. Plutarch makes his conduct 
more natural. He says that Brutus when ' 'but a young man, and not over greatly 
experiencedin the world," trusted this doctrine. 



154 



JULIUS CAESAR 



[Act V 



To stay 1 the providence of some high powers 
That govern us below. 

Cas. Then, if we lose this battle, 

You are contented to be led in triumph 
Thorough* the streets of Rome? 110 

Bru. No, Cassius, no: think not, thou 
noble Roman, 
That ever Brutus will go bound to Rome; 
He bears too great a mind. But this same day 
Must end that work the ides of March begun;* 
And whether we shall meet again I know not. 
Therefore our everlasting farewell take: 
For ever, and for ever, farewell, Cassius! 
If we do meet again, why, we shall smile; 
If not, why then this parting was well made. 

Cas. For ever, and for ever, farewell, Brutus ! 120 
If we do^meet again, we'll smile indeed; 
If not, 'tis true this parting was well made. 

Bru. Why then, lead on. — 0, that a man 
might know 
The end of this day's business, ere it come! 
But it sufficeth* that the day will end, 
And then the end is known. Come, ho! away! 

[Exeunt. 

Scene II. Plains of Philippi. The field of battle 

Alarum. Enter Brutus and Messala. 

Bru. Ride, ride, Messala, ride and give these bills 5 
Unto the legions on the other side. 6 

[Loud alarum. 
Let them set on 7 at once; for I perceive 
But cold demeanour in Octavius' wing, 
And sudden push gives them the overthrow. 8 
Ride, ride, Messala: let them all come down. 

[Exeunt. 

Scene III. Another part of the field. 

Alarum. Enter Cassius and Titinius. 

Cas. O, look, Titinius, look, the villains fly! 
Myself have to mine own turn'd enemy: 



1 (I am deter- 
mined) to 
await 

Hhrough 



3 eitherfor be- 
gan, or 
which was 
begun on the 
ides of March 



Hs satisfactory 



^instructions. 

The word 

"bills" is 

taken from 

North's 

Plutarch 
6 wing 
7 attack 
8 a sudden onset 

will instantly 

overthrow 

them 



Scene III] 



JULIUS CiESAE 



155 



This ensign* here of mine was turning back; 
I slew the coward, 1 and did take it from him. 

Tit. Cassius, Brutus gave the word too 
early; 
Who, having some advantage on 2 Octavius, 
Took it too eagerly: his soldiers fell to spoil, 
Whilst we by Antony are all enclosed. 3 
Enter Pindakus. 

Pin. Fly further off, my lord, fly further off; 
Mark Antony is in your tents, my lord: 
Fly, therefore, noble Cassius, fly far off.f 

Cas. This hill is far enough. Look, look, 
Titinius; 
Are those my tents where I perceive the fire? 

Tit. They are, my lord. 

Cas. Titinius, if thou lovest me, 

Mount thou my horse and hide 4 ' thy spurs in 

him, 
Till he have brought thee up to yonder troops 
And here 5 again; that I may rest assured, 
Whether yond* troops are friend or enemy. 

Tit. I will be here again, even with a thought. 7 

[Exit. 

Cas. Go, Pindarus, get higher on that hill; 
My sight was ever thick; 8 regard 9 Titinius, 
And tell me what thou notest about the field. 
[Pindarus ascends the hill. 
This day I breathed first: time is come round, 10 
And where I did begin, there shall I end: 
My life is run his compass. 11 Sirrah, what news! 

Pin. [Above] O my lord! 

Cas. What news? 



10 



20 



'AC., who bore it 



Hurrounded 



*bury, dig 



5 back 
6 yonder 
7 as quick as 
thought 

8 bad 
*watch. Cf. 

French re- 

garder = to 

look at 
10 the circle is 

completed 
n its course 



*It is not necessary to take this as meaning "standard-bearer"; it is 
simply the standard, as is shown by the "this," and by the "it" in the next 
line. As the standard bearer "turned back" the standard would of course 
do so at the same time. The meaning in either case is obvious. 

t The Clarendon Press editor suggests that ' 'far" may be ' 'the comparative 
and equivalent to 'further/ just above." But Pindarus would seem rather 
to mean that Cassius is not only to fly "further off" from Antony than he is 
at present, but that it would be better to. . ., fly "far" i. e., a long way: "further 
off" is only a comparative distance; "far" is an absolute long distance. 



156 



JULIUS CAESAR 



[Act V 



Pin. [Above] Titinius is enclosed 1 round about 
With horsemen, that make to him on the spur; 2 
Yet he spurs on. Now they are almost on 

him. 30 

Now, Titinius! Now some light. 3 O, he lights* 

too. 
He's ta'en. [Shout] And, hark! they shout 
for joy. 
Cas. Come down, behold no more. 
O, coward that I am, to live so long, 
To see my best friend ta'en before my face! 

[Pindarus descends. 
Come hither, sirrah: 
In Parthia did I take thee prisoner; 
And then I swore thee, 5 saving of thy life, 6 
That whatsoever I did bid thee do, 
Thou shouldst attempt it. Come now, keep 

thine oath; 40 

Now be a freeman: and with this good sword, 
That ran through Caesar's bowels, search 7 this 

bosom,* 
Stand not to answer: here, take thou the hilts; 8 
And, when my face is cover' d, as 'tis now, 
Guide thou the sword. [Pindarus stabs him] 

Caesar, thou art revenged, 
Even with 9 the sword that kill'd thee. [Dies. 
Pin. So, I am free; yet would not so have 
been, 
Durst I have done my will. O Cassius! 
Far from this country Pindarus shall run, 
Where never Roman shall take note of him. 50 

[Exit. 
Re-enter Titinius, with Messala. 
Mes. It is but change, 10 Titinius; for 
Octavius 
Is overthrown by noble Brutus' power, 11 
As Cassius' legions are by Antony. 

Tit. These tidings will well comfort Cassius. 



x a trisyllable 
^spurring their 



horses 



z alight 
A alights 



5 made thee 

swear 
6 when I spared 

thy life 

7 pierce 
8 hilt 



*by means of 



mt-for-tat; 
defeat here, 
victory there. 
"Change" 
has perhaps 
the double 
meaning of 
1 'exchange," 
and "vicissi- 
tude" 

n forces 



* Plutarch says: "But then, casting his cloak over his head, and holding 
out his bare neck unto Pindarus, he gave him his head to be stricken off." 



Scene III] 



JULIUS CJESAK 



157 



Mes. Where did you leave him? 
Tit. All disconsolate, 

With Pindarus, his bondman, on this hill. 
Mes. Is not that he that lies upon the 

ground? 
Tit. He lies not like the living. O my heart! 
Mes. Is not that he? 
Tit. No, this was he, Messala, 

But Cassius is no more. O setting sun, 60 

As in thy red rays thou dost sink to-night, 
So in his red blood Cassius' day is set; 
The sun of Rome is set! Our day is gone; 
Clouds, dews, and dangers come; our deeds 

are done! 
Mistrust of my success 1 hath done this deed. 
Mes. Mistrust of good success hath done 
this deed. 
O hateful error, melancholy's child, 
Why dost thou show to the apt 2 thoughts of 

men 
The things that are not? error, soon con- 
ceived, 
Thou never comest unto a happy birth, 70 

But kill'st the mother that engender'd thee!* 
Tit. What, 3 Pindarus! Where art thou, 

Pindarus? 
Mes. Seek him, Titinius, whilst I go to 
meet 
The noble Brutus, thrusting this report 
Into his ears: I may say, thrusting it; 
For piercing steel, and darts envenomed,* 
Shall be as welcome to the ears of Brutus, 
As tidings of this sight. 

Tit. Hie 5 you, Messala, 

And I will seek for Pindarus the while. 

[Exit Messala. 
Why didst thou send me forth, brave Cassius? 80 
Did I not meet thy friends? and did not they 



*as to the result 
of my mis- 
sion. "Suc- 
cess " was 
formerly a 
neutral word, 
simply mean- 
ing ' 'issue 1 ' 
or a "result" 
whether good 
or bad.Hence, 
in the next 
line the ad- 
dition of the 
adjective 
"good" 

Hmpression- 
able, sus- 



s an expression 
of impatience^ 
asinll. i. 1 

*a quadrisyl- 
lable 

^hasten 



* We quickly fall into mistakes, but ever suffer for making them. 



158 



JULIUS C^SAR 



[Act V 



Put on my brows this wreath of victory, 
And bid me give it thee? Didst thou not hear 

their shouts? 
Alas, thou hast misconstrued 1 everything! 
But hold thee, 2 take this garland on thy brow; 
Thy Brutus bid me give it thee, and I 
Will do his bidding. Brutus, come apace, 3 
And see how I regarded* Caius Cassius. 
By your leave, gods : this is a Roman's part: 6 
Come, Cassius' sword, and find Titinius' heart. 90 

[Kills himself. 
Alarum. Re-enter Messala, with Brutus, young 

Cato, Strato, Volumnius, and Lucilius. 

Bru. Where, where, Messala, doth his body 
lie? 

Mes. Lo, yonder, and Titinius mourning it. 

Bru. Titinius' face is upward. 

Cato. He is slain. 

Bru. O Julius Caesar, thou art mighty yet! 
Thy spirit walks abroad, and turns our swords 
In 6 our own proper 7 entrails. [Low alarums. 

Cato. Brave Titinius! 

Look, whether 8 he have not crown'd dead 
Cassius ! 

Bru. Are yet two Romans living such as 
these? 
The last of all the Romans, 9 fare thee well ! 
It is impossible that ever Rome 100 

Should breed thy fellow. Friends, I owe moe 10 

tears 
To this dead man than you shall see me pay. 
I shall find time, Cassius, I shall find time. 
Come, therefore, and to Thasos send his body: 
His funerals 11 shall not be in our camp, 
Lest it 12 discomfort us. Lucilius, come; 
And come, young Cato; let us to the field. 
Labeo, 13 and Flavius, 1 * set our battles 15 on: — ■ 
'Tis three o'clock; and, Romans, yet ere night 1 * 
We shall try fortune in a second fight. 

[Exeunt. 



1 accent on sec- 
ond syllable 



3 quickly 
^respected 
6 what a Roman 
should do 



Hnto 

7 very own 

8 monosyllable 

^Plutarch's own 
words 

10 more 

n for the plural 
form, cf. Fr. 
funerailles, 
and the L. 
funera. We 
still say 
"nuptials" 

K "it" is either 
impersonal 
or it stands 
for ' 'the bury- 
ing" implied 
in the pre- 
vious line 

13 Brutus' 
lieutenant 

lA captain of the 
pioneers of 
Brutus' camp 

l5 forces 

u the second bat- 
tle of Phil- 
ippi really 
took place 
twenty days 
later 



Scene IV] 



JULIUS CJESAR 



159 



Scene IV. Another part of the field. 

Alarum. Enter, fighting, Soldiers of both armies; 
then Brutus, young Cato, Lucilius, and others. 

Bru. Yet, countrymen, 0, yet hold up your 

heads! 
Cato. Who will go with me? 
I will proclaim my name about the field; 
I am the son of Marcus Cato, ho! 
A foe to tyrants, and my country's friend; 
I am the son of Marcus Cato, ho! 

[Charges the enemy. 
Bru. And I am Brutus, Marcus Brutus, I; 
Brutus, my country's friend; know me for 
Brutus. 

[Exit , charging the enemy. Cato is over- 
powered, and falls. 
Lucil. O young and noble Cato, art thou 
down? 
Why, now thou diest as bravely as Titinius; 10 
And mayst be 1 honour' d, being Cato's son. 
1 Sold. Yield, or thou diest. 
Lucil. Only I yield to die: 2 

There is so much that 3 thou wilt kill me straight; 

[Offering money. 
Kill Brutus, and be honour' d in his death. 

1 Sold. We must not. A noble prisoner! 

2 Sold. Room, ho! Tell Antony, Brutus is 
ta'en. 

1 Sold. I'll tell the news. Here comes the 
general. 

Enter Antony. 
Brutus is ta'en, Brutus is ta'en, my lord. 

Ant. Where is he? 

Lucil. Safe, Antony; Brutus is safe enough : 20 
I dare assure thee that no enemy 
Shall ever take alive the noble Brutus: 
The gods defend him from so great a shame! 
When you do find him, or alive or dead, 
He will be found like Brutus, like himself. 



x may thou be 

2 J yield only 
when I am 
slain 

3 on condition 
that 



160 



JULIUS CiESAR 



[Act V 



Ant. This is not Brutus, friend; but, I 
assure you, 
Aprize no less in worth. Keep this man safe; 
Give him all kindness: I had rather have 
Such men my friends, than enemies. Go on, 
And see whether 1 Brutus be alive, or dead; 30 
And bring us word unto Octavius' tent, 
How everything is chanced.* [Exeunt. 

Scene V. Another part of the field. 

Enter Brutus, Dardanius, Clitus, Strato, and 

VOLUMNIUS. 

Bru. Come, poor remains of friends, rest on 

this rock. 
Cli. Statilius show'd the torch-light; but, 

my lord, 
He came not back: he is or ta'en or slain. 
Bru. Sit thee down, Clitus: slaying is the 

word; 
It is a deed in fashion. Hark thee, Clitus. 

[Whispering. 3 
Cli. What, I, my lord? No, not for all the 

world. 
Bru. Peace, then! no words. 
Cli. I'll rather kill myself. 

Bru. Hark thee, Dardanius. [Whispering. 3 
Dar. Shall I do such a deed? 

Cli. O Dardanius! 

Dar. O Clitus! 10 

Cli. What ill request did Brutus make to 

thee? 
Dar. To kill him, Clitus. Look, he med- 
itates. 
Cli. 'Now is that noble vessel full of grief, 
That 4 - it runs over even at his eyes. 
Bru. Come hither, good Volumnius; list a 

word. 
Vol. What says my lord? 



x a monosyllable 

(whe'r) 
2 has turned out 



%e asks him to 
kill him 



*so full of grief 
that 



Scene V] 



JULIUS C^SAU 



161 



Bru. Why, this, Volumnius: 

The ghost of Caesar hath appear' d to me 
Two several 1 times by nignt; at Sardis once, 
And this last night here in Philippi 2 fields: 
I know my hour is come. 

Vol. Not so, my lord. 20 

Bru. Nay, I am sure it is, Volumnius. 
Thou seest the world, Volumnius, how it goes; 
Our enemies have beat 3 us to the pit:* 

[Low alarums. 
It is more worthy to leap in ourselves, 
Than tarry till they push us. Good Volumnius, 
Thou know'st that we two went to school 

together; 
Even for that our love of old, I prithee, 
Hold thou my sword-hilts, 5 whilst I run on it. 
Vol. That's not an office for a friend, my 
lord. [Alarum still. 

Cli. Fly, fly, my lord! there is no tarrying 30 

here. 
Bru. Farewell to you; and you; and you, 
Volumnius. 
Strato, thou hast been all this while asleep ; 
Farewell to thee too, Strato. Countrymen, 
My heart doth joy, 6 that yet 7 in all my life 
I found 9 no man but he was true to me. 
I shall have glory by this losing day, 
More than Octavius and Mark Antony 
By this vile conquest shall attain unto. 
So, fare you well at once; for Brutus' tongue 
Hath almost ended his 9 life's history.* 40 

Night hangs upon mine eyes; my bones would 

rest, 
That have but labour 7 d to lQ attain this hour. 

[Alarum. Cry within, "Fly, fly, fly!'' 
Cli. Fly, my lord, fly! 
Bru. Hence! I will follow. 

[Exeunt Clitus, Dardanius, and 
Volumnius. 



Separate 
2 Philippi'i 



3 beaten 
4 brink of the 

precipice, i. 

e., there is no 

escape 



B sword-hilt 



^rejoice 
^hitherto 
6 have found 



Hts 



10 have labored 
but to 



* I. e. Brutus hath almost spoken his last word. 



162 



JULIUS C^SAB 



[Act V 



I prithee, Strato, stay thou by thy lord. 
Thou art a fellow of a good respect; 1 
Thy life hath had some smatch 2 of honour in it : 
Hold then my sword, and turn away thy face, 
While I do run upon it. Wilt thou, Strato? 
Stra. Give me your hand first. Fare you 

well, my lord. 
Bru. Farewell, good Strato. [Runs on his 
sword.] Ccesar, now be still: 3 50 

I kill'd not thee with half so good a will. 

[Dies. 
Alarum. Retreat. Enter Octavius, Antony, 
Messala, Lucilius, and their Army. 
Oct. What man is that? 
Mes. My master's man. Strato, where is 

thy master? 
Stra. Free from the bondage you are in, 
Messala: 
The conquerors can but make a fire of him; A 
For Brutus only overcame himself, 
And no man else hath honour by his death. 
Lucil. So Brutus should be found. I thank 
thee, Brutus, 
That thou hast proved Lucilius 7 saying 6 true. 
Oct. All that served Brutus, I will entertain 60 
them. 6 
Fellow, wilt thou bestow 7 thy time with me? 
Stra. Ay; if Messala will prefer 9 me to you. 
Oct. Do so, good Messala. 
Mes. How died my master, Strato? 
Stra. I held the sword, and he did run on it. 
Mes. Octavius, then take him to follow thee, 
That did the latest service to my master. 
Ant. This was the noblest Roman of them 
all: 
All the conspirators, save only he, 
Did that they did in envy of great Caesar; 70 
He only, in a general honest thought 
And common good to all, 9 made one of them. 
His life was gentle, and the elements 



l held in good 
esteem 

2 savor 

3 cf. V. iii. 95. 
Brutus felt 
deeply the 
power of 
Ccesar's 
spirit. His 
death is now 
to * 'lay the 
ghost" 

4 i. e. burn his 
body, they 
cannot drag 
him captive 
at their 
chariot wheels 



5 Lucilius had 
said: "When 
you do find 
him, or alive 
or dead, He 
will be found 
like Brutus, 
like himself " 
— V.iv. 24-5 

Hake them into 
my service. 
Cf. French 
entretenir = 
to keep, pro- 
vide for 

''spend 

^recommend 
{literally, to 
bring forward; 
hence, bring 
to the notice 
of) 

9 he alone, think- 
ing for others 
and for the 
welfare of 
the com- 
munity 



Scene V] 



JULIUS CiESAK 



163 



So mix'd in him 1 that Nature might stand up 
And say to all the world, "This was a man!" 
Oct. According to his virtue let us use 2 him, 
With all respect, and rites of burial. 
Within my tent his bones 3 to-night shall lie, 
Most like a soldier, order'd* honourably. 
So call the field 5 to rest; and let's away, 
To part 6 the glories of this happy day. 

[Exeunt. 



80 



*i. e. his nature 

was so 

equable 
Ureat 

3 body 
Hreated 
Hhose in the 

field of batik 
Ho distribute 



NOTES 
Act I. Scene I 

Line 15. Soles. A pun on ' ' souls. ' ' Cf . The Merchant of Venice, IV. 
i. 120, and Glossary. 

35. Triumph. This triumph was decreed to Caesar for his victory over 
the sons of Pompey, at Munda, in Spain, 45 B. C. In making the 
triumph and the festival of the Lupercalia occur at the same time, 
Shakespeare departs from historical fact, for the triumph took place four 
months prior to the festival. A triumph wherein a general was escorted 
in solemn procession through a breach made in the walls of the city was 
generally decreed to a commander after a notable victory. (See foot- 
note, p. 62.) 

47. Great Pompey. Cneius Pompeius Magnus, a member of the first 
Triumvirate, was born 106 B. C. ; died 48 B. C. During his lifetime he 
enjoyed three triumphs: (1) for his victories in Africa, 81 B. C.j (2) for 
his victories in Spain, 71 B. C.j (3) for his victories in Asia, 61 B. C. 

50. Tiber. The river on which Rome is located. 

68. Capitol. The Capitol was a temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline 
Hill. Shakespeare thought the senate met there. (See note I. iii. 36, and 
III. i. 7.) 

72. Feast of Lupercal. The Lupercalia, a Roman festival, was cele- 
brated on February 15th in the Lupercal, the cave in which Romulus and 
Remus were said to have been nurtured by a she-wolf. This festival 
was originally a purification ceremony of the Palatine city, in which 
human victims were sacrificed. Later, dogs and goats were the victims, 
and the celebrants ran around the walls of the old Palatine striking all 
whom they met with thongs cut from the skins of the slaughtered animals. 
(See note I. ii. 3.) The word February is derived from the Latin februum, 
a goat-skin. 

Act I. Scene II 

Antony, for the course. Prepared for running the course. Antony 
was the high priest of the god Lupercus. 

3. Stand you directly in Antonius' way. "Many noble women, and 
gentlewomen also, go of purpose to stand in their way, and to put forth 

164 



NOTES I65 



their hands to be stricken . . . persuading themselves that, being 
with child, they shall have good delivery; and so being barren, that it 
will make them to conceive with child." Plutarch. (See note, I. i. 72.) 

40. Passions. Cf. The Merchant of Venice, III. ii. 107. 

99. Endure the winter's cold. Caesar endeavored by his active life 
to build up the infirm constitution which it is said he possessed in his 
youth. (Plutarch's "Caesar.") 

114. .ffineas. . . . Troy . . . Anchises. JEneas was the son 
of Anchises and Venus. In the Mneid, Virgil tells of the capture of 
Troy by the Greeks, after a ten years' siege. He relates how iEneas 
carried Anchises, his father, from the burning city. 

119. He had a fever. "Concerning the constitution of his body, he 
was lean, white, and soft-skinned, and often subject to headache, and 
otherwhile to the falling-sickness, the which took him the first time, as 
it is reported, in Corduba, a city of Spain." (Plutarch's "Caesar.") 

136. Colossus. The Colossus of Ehodes was one of the seven wonders 
of the world. It was a large bronze image 105 feet high, and its feet 
rested, one upon each of the two moles which formed the entrance to 
the harbor. Ships passed full sail between its legs, and few men could 
span one of its fingers. It was begun in 300 B. C. and completed in 288 
B. C. 

152. The great flood. According to mythology, the flood, which hap- 
pened in the time of Deucalion, son of Prometheus, was brought about 
by Jupiter in consequence of man's impiety. Deucalion and his wife, 
Pyrrha, escaped to the top of Mount Parnassus, and, by the advice of 
the oracle of Themis, repaired the loss of mankind by throwing behind 
them the bones of their grandmother, which were the stones of the earth. 
Those thrown by Deucalion became men; those thrown by his wife, 
women. This deluge is supposed to have occurred in Thessaly 1503 B. C. 

159. There was a Brutus. Lucius Junius Brutus, the Consul, 509 
B. C, son of Marcus Junius and Tarquinia, sister of Tarquinius Superbus, 
was one of the Bomans who accomplished the expulsion of the Tarquins. 
He loved his country even better than he loved his children, and con- 
demned two of his sons to death for attempting to restore the Tarquinian 
dynasty. According to Pomponius Atticus, the genealogist, Marcus 
Junius Brutus, the Brutus of the play, known also as Quintus Caepio 
Brutus, was descended from a third son of Lucius Junius Brutus, the Consul. 

178. The games. This refers to the festival of the Lupercalia. (See 
note, I. i. 72.) 

185. Cicero. Shakespeare obtained no suggestion from Plutarch for 
the description he here gives of Cicero. 



166 JULIUS CiESAR 



257. Falling sickness. When Caesar was in Africa, before the battle 
of Thapsus, "the falling sickness took him whereunto he was given." 
(Plutarch's "Caesar.") On another occasion, according to Plutarch, 
when he had offended not only the senate but the common people also, 
' ' Caesar, rising, departed home to his house, and tearing open his 
doublet-collar, making his neck bare, he cried aloud to his friends that 
his throat was ready to offer to any man that would come and cut it. 
Notwithstanding it is reported, that afterwards, to excuse his folly, he 
imputed it to his disease, saying, 'their wits are not perfect which have 
this disease of the falling evil; when standing on their feet they speak 
to the common people, but are soon troubled with a trembling of their 
body, and a sudden dimness and giddiness.' " 

270. Doublet. See Glossary. This is an anachronism, for the Romans 
did not wear doublets. (See note 257, above.) 

292. It was Greek to me. This expression is said to have originated 
with Shakespeare. 

294. Caesar's images. The Tribunes, Flavius and Marullus, pulled 
down the images of Caesar, which had been set up some time previously. 
This so incensed the Dictator that he summarily deprived them of their 
tribuneships. 

328. Writings. "But for Brutus, his friends and countrymen, both 
by divers procurements and sundry rumours of the city and by many 
bills also, did openly call and procure him to do that he did. ' ' (Plutarch 's 
"Brutus.") 

Act I. Scene III 

3. Sway of earth. Established order of the earth's movement. 

15. Common slave. Slaves were employed to perform all kinds of 
menial work, and also to assist the state officers. 

36. Capitol. The Capitol, which was one of the most imposing build- 
ings in Rome, was situated on the Capitoline Hill. Shakespeare confuses 
the Capitol with the Curia Hostilia in the Forum, in which the senate usually 
assembled. On the occasion of Caesar 's murder, however, the senate met, not 
in the Capitol or in the Curia Hostilia, but in a portico in the Campus 
Martius, a short distance from the Forum. 

49. Thunder-stone. Fabulously supposed to be the product of 
thunder. 

70. Instruments of fear and warning. Intimations of approaching 
calamities. 



NOTES lg7 



75. The lion in the Capitol. Shakespeare thought that lions were 
housed in the Capitol at Rome, as they were in the Tower of London. 

126. Pompey's porch. This shaded veranda was a fit rendezvous for 
conspirators. 

143. Praetor's chair. . . . Brutus' statue. " For under the image 
of his ancestor Junius Brutus (that drave the kings out of Rome) they 
wrote : ' O that it pleased the gods thou wert now alive, Brutus ! ' and again, 
'that thou wert here among us now!' His tribunal or chair, where he 
gave audience during the time he was Praetor, was full of such bills: 
'Brutus, thou art asleep, and are not Brutus indeed.' " 

Act II. Scene I 

1. Lucius. The character of Lucius and the affectionate relations 
between him and Brutus are due to Shakespeare's imagination. 

2. Progress of the stars. This is an allusion to the constellation 
Libra — the Balance — so called because when the sun enters it the days 
and nights are equal. 

17. Danger. The argument of Brutus is this: "It is not in Caesar's 
nature to be tyrannical. But then he has not yet tasted the delights of 
kingship. Sovereignty may entirely change his nature." 

Act II. Scene II 

32. Cowards die many times. According to Plutarch this was the 
substance of one of Caesar's sayings. 

109. Welcome, Publius. "So when the day was come, Brutus went 
out of his house with a dagger by his side under his long gown, that 
nobody saw nor knew but his wife only. The other conspirators were all 
assembled at Cassius' house to bring his son into the market-place, who 
on that day did put on the man's gown, called toga-virilis, and from 
thence they came all in a troop together unto Pompey's porch, looking 
that Caesar would straight come hither." (Plutarch's "Brutus.") 

119. Waited for. "The first and chief est (misfortune) was Caesar's 
long tarrying, who came very late to the senate." (Plutarch's 
"Brutus.") 

Act II. Scene III 

8. Security. Cf. Macbeth, III. V. 33. 
15. Contrive. Cf. note 7, page 99. 



168 JULIUS CLESAB 



Act III. Scene 1 

The CapitoL (See note, I. i. 68 and I. iii. 36.) At this time the 
Curia Hostilia, the proper senate-house in the Forum, was undergoing exten- 
sive repairs and consequently the Senate had to meet in the Curia Pompeiana. 
Shakespeare has sacrificed historic accuracy to dramatic effect in assign- 
ing the location of Pompey's statue to the imaginary senate-house in the 
Capitol, instead of to its proper place in Pompey's theater. 

8. What touches us. "Caesar took it of him, but could never read 
it, though he many times attempted it, for the number of people that did 
salute him; but holding it still in his hand, keeping it to himself, went 
on withal in the senate-house." (Plutarch's "Caesar.") 

47. Nor without cause. Only a real cause could induce Caesar to 
grant a pardon. 

53. Publius. A fictitious name given by Shakespeare to Cimber's 
brother. 

60. The northern star. The Pole-star which never sets to inhabitants 
of the northern hemisphere. By it navigators determine latitudes. 

74. Olympus. In Greek mythology Olympus was the chief seat of 
the gods who ruled the universe. 

85. Publius. This character should not be confounded with Publius 
Cimber, nor with the son of Antony's sister. (See Introduction, p. 54.) 

115. Pompey's basis. The base of Pompey's statue. The French 
removed this statue to the Colosseum in 1798, and there, amidst Italian 
pomp and French display, performed before it Voltaire's Mort de Cesar. 

202. Close. Cf. Hamlet II. i. 43. 

209. Princes. Deer-hunting, especially in enclosures, was, in the 
Middle Ages, a favorite pastime of kings. 

230. Speak in the order. If the deceased was of illustrious rank, the 
funeral procession went through the Forum and stopped before the rostra, 
where a funeral oration was delivered. This practice was of great 
antiquity among the Romans. 

268. Quartered. Cut to pieces. 

271. Ate, the daughter of Zeus, was the avenger of evil deeds; hence 
her character is almost the same as that of Nemesis. 

273. Havoc. A. S. hafoc, a hawk. To cry "havoc"— to cry 
1 ' hawk, ' ' was probably a cry of encouragement to a hawk when let loose 
upon its prey. 

286. He lies to-night. Octavius did not arrive in Rome till the fol- 
lowing May. According to Plutarch, at this time he was in Apollonia, in 
Illyricum, on the eastern shore of the Adriatic. 



NOTES 169 



Act III. Scene II 

92. Honourable. The mistake is frequently made of pronouncing 
this word as if it were uttered ironically. Not until he feels that the 
majority of his audience is with him does Antony become ironical. 

105. The Lupercal. A cave surrounded by a grove on the north side 
of the Palatine Hill, between it and the Circus Maximus. The name is 
also used for the festival celebrated in honor of the god Lupercus. 

180. I remember. Antony was not with Caesar in the campaign 
against the Nervii, being at the time in Palestine; neither was he present 
at the assassination of Caesar, having been drawn "out of the way" by 
Trebonius. 

183. Nervii. See Historical Introduction, p. 60. 

193. Judge, O you gods. Plutarch claims that because of Caesar's 
unlawful passion for Servilia, mother of Brutus, he not only pardoned 
Brutus after the battle of Pharsalia, "but also kept him always about 
him, and did as much honour and esteem him as any man he had in his 
company. ' ' 

251. Drachmas. Caesar's will was written in Latin, not in Greek, 
and the term sestertii, not drachmae, was used. 

258. On this side Tiber. Caesar 's gardens were on the Janiculum on 
the other side of the Tiber from the Forum. Plutarch has here led Shake- 
speare into error. 

263. The holy place. The body was burned in the Forum. 

271. Sir, Octavius is already come to Rome. (See note, III. i. 286.) 

278. Are rid like madmen. Here Shakespeare differs from Plutarch, 
who says they left the city "within a few days." 

Act III. Scene III 

1. I dreamt to-night. Shakespeare frequently introduces dreams as 
prognostics of good or evil. 

31. For his bad verses. This humorous touch is Shakespeare 's. 

Act IV. Scene I 

5. Who is your sister's son. (See footnote, p. 134.) 
9. Cut off some charge. Antony's wild and ungovernable life has 
plunged him into enormous debts, to be relieved of which he stoops to 
duplicity of the basest nature — the falsification of Caesar's will. "Al- 
though," says Cicero, "at the time of Caesar's death he (Antony) owed 



170 JULIUS C^ESAK 






more than one million five hundred thousand dollars, yet within less than a 
fortnight he had paid it all off. " (Philippic ii. 37.) 

37. Objects, arts, and imitations. An "object" is anything that can 
be recognized by the senses and probably is here used with that meaning. 
"Arts" is used by Shakespeare in the sense of instruction, learning. 
"Imitations" has the meaning of fashion. Cf. "Other slow arts entirely 
keep the brain." (Love's Labour's Lost IV. iii.) "Well fitted in arts." 
(Love's Labour's Lost II. i.) "Those arts they have as I could put into 
them." (Cymbeline V. v.) "Without what imitation you can borrow 
from youth of such a season." (Cymbeline III. iv.) 

Act IV. Scene II 

16. Familiar instances. Signs or proofs of familiarity. 
26. Crests. Frequently used by Shakespeare of horses. (The rhetor- 
ical figure Synecdoche.) 

Act IV. Scene III 

10. An itching palm. Plutarch tells us that Cassius "would often- 
times be carried away from justice for gain." 

15. The name of Cassius. A satirical retort to the words "You are 
Brutus," in 1. 13. 

47. Spleen. A spongy viscus near the large extremity of the stomach, 
formerly supposed to be the seat of melancholy, anger, or vexation. 

76. To you for gold. According to Plutarch, this request was made 
after the meeting at Sardis, and was not refused. 

98. I could weep. An abrupt change of person, an indication of 
Cassius' increased excitement. 

147. Portia is dead. According to Plutarch, Portia died after the 
death of Brutus. 

175. An hundred senators. In the Life of Brutus, Plutarch says 
two hundred senators, and in the Life of Antony, three hundred "of the 
chief est citizens," were condemned to death by proscription. Shake- 
speare has reproduced the apparent discrepancy of the two accounts. 

194. In art. Cassius means that he had studied to acquire stoicism, 
but his natural disposition was opposed to it. 

197. Of marching to Philippi presently. According to Plutarch, this 
discussion took place at Philippi. 

206. Grudg'd us contribution. Plutarch relates that when Brutus 
"sent unto the Lycians to require money and men of war," the cities 
rebelled against him. They "did despise his courtesy and good nature." 



NOTES 171 



254. Book. Books in Caesar's time were written on rolls of papyrus; 
hence the "leaf turned down" is an anachronism. Brutus is said to 
have been employed the night before the battle of Pharsalia in making 
an abridgment of Pausanias. Eoman pockets were bags rather than 
pockets as we understand the term, not invented till the fourteenth cen- 
tury. Thus, pocket also is an anachronism. 

276. Ha! who comes here? According to Plutarch, the ghost appeared 
at Abydos, not at Sardis. 

Act V. Scene I. 

Plains of Philippi. For a description of the battle see Historical 
Introduction, pages 65-67. 

20. I do not cross you. I will not argue the point, but I will do as 
I say. 

34. Hybla bees. Hybla was the name of three towns in Sicily. That 
known as Hybla Minor — later Megara — was probably the one from which 
came the Hyblaean honey so frequently mentioned by the poets. 

41. You show'd. Antony draws upon his imagination. (See note III. 
ii. 180.) 

77. Epicurus. A celebrated Greek, founder of the Epicurean school 
of philosophy. He was born B. C. 342, and died in 270. He regarded 
human happiness, resulting from a virtuous life, as the chief end of man. 
He conceived the gods as exercising no influence upon creation, and hence 
his followers did not believe in omens or portents. 

80. Sardis. The Lydian capital in Asia Minor. Early in 42 B. C, 
Brutus and Cassius there united their forces against the Cesareans. It 
was one of the earliest seats of the Christian religion. 

104. I do find. There is a discrepancy between the statements of 
Brutus in this passage and in the next. In this speech he finds it "cow- 
ardly and vile" to anticipate destiny by committing suicide; in the next 
he implies that he intends to slay himself in the event of defeat. The 
discrepancy, as the Clarendon Press Editors have pointed out, is due to 
Shakespeare 's being misled by Plutarch. In the line, ' ' I truste a certain 
rule of philosophy, etc.," the word truste, although evidently a past 
tense, must have been read by Shakespeare as the present. (See footnote, 
p. 153.) 

Act V. Scene III 

23. This day. Plutach says Cassius died on the anniversary of his 
birth. 

37. Parthia. A country in Asia, southeast of the Caspian sea. In 



172 JULIUS CJESAK 



' 



his campaign against the Parthians in 53 B. C, Cassius, who was then 
Quaestor to Crassus, greatly distinguished himself. After the defeat of 
Crassus at Carrhae in that year, and his subsequent assassination by a 
Persian satrap, Cassius assumed command of the Eoman legions. 

41. Freeman. Eomans, when about to die, frequently freed their slaves. 

64. Dews. Cf. As stars with trains of fire and dews of blood. 
Hamlet I. i. 117. 

71. Kill 'st. It was, and is still, generally believed that snakes swal- 
low their young to protect them from danger. 

109. 'Tis three o'clock. Commentators refer to the inconsistency 
between this statement and "O, setting sun," 1. 60. From this line and 
the line following, it is not necessary to conclude that the sun was setting 
at that moment. The present tense often denotes futurity, so that ' ' dost 
sink" may mean shalt siiik. In northern climates (of which Shakespeare 
was thinking), on March evenings the sun is often red as it descends to 
the horizon, at or soon after three o'clock. 

Act. V. Scene IV 

4. Cato. Marcus, great-grandson of Cato the Censor, born in Utica, 
95 B. C. He was of a stern, unyielding character and was devoted to 
Stoic principles. He vehemently opposed the measures of Caesar, Pompey, 
and Crassus. He committed suicide 46 B. C. rather than fall into the 
hands of Caesar. (See Historical Introduction, p. 60.) 

Act V. Scene V 

13. Vessel. Vessel is often used by Shakespeare of persons, especially 
in the phrase ' ' the weaker vessel, ' ' which occurs four times. 

73. His life was gentle. This description of Brutus has been fre- 
quently applied to Shakespeare himself. 

73. The elements. The first or constituent parts of anything — all 
existing things having been supposed to consist of fire, air, water, and 
earth. According to ancient psychological notions, choler was ascribed 
to fire j blood, to air; phlegm, to water; and melancholy to earth. 



GRAMMATICAL NOTES 

On reading the works of Elizabethan authors we wonder at the many 
points of difference in grammar and meaning between their English and 
the English of today. Yet, there is really no cause for surprise. The great 
" renascence ; ' had just taken place, and the ancient classics were being 
studied in England as they never before had been studied. Changes in 
structure and meaning in the language of Chaucer were demanded and 
introduced, but as old prejudices die hard the result for a time was chaos. 
Neither party — the devotees of the old and the advocates of the new — 
would give way, so both reigned, but neither was supreme. Language is 
given to interpret thought, and the result of the conflict between the old 
and the new was a language clear in thought but doubtful in expression. 
Such must be the conditions in all transitional periods. Hence, though the 
Elizabethan English differs in many respects from the English of today, it 
was and is intelligible. The change from the old forms through the Eliia- 
bethan English to our present forms was slow indeed, but changes that are 
to endure are not wrought in a generation. 

In this may be found the raison d'etre of the so-called grammatical 
difficulties of Shakespeare. Besides, in those days printed books were less 
common than they are now, and even today spoken language is frequently 
less grammatical than that which is written. 

Prepositions Frequently Interchanged 

In respect of (I. i. 10). Compared with. 

Be not jealous on me (I. ii. 71). Of. 

Upon the word (I. ii. 104). Immediately after and in consequence of. 
Cf. our "thereupon." 

0' nights (I. ii. 193). During. 

Sensible of (I. iii. 18). Sensible to, though this arises rather from the 
meaning of " sensible. ' ' 

Upon a heap (I. iii. 23). In. 

The climate that they point upon (I. iii. 32). Towards. 

173 



174 JULIUS CAESAR 



Clean from the purpose of the things themselves (I. iii. 35). Con- 
trary to. 

Cast yourself in wonder (I. iii. 60). Into. Frequent use after verbs of 
motion. 

Unto some monstrous state (I. iii. 71). Of. 

And we are governed with our mothers' spirits (1. iii. 83). By. 

I am glad on 't (I. iii. 137). Of. 

Shall Rome stand under one man's awe? (II. i. 52). In awe of one 
man. 

I think we are too bold upon your rest (II. i. 86). In intruding upon. 

We shall find of him a shrewd contriver (II. i. 157). In. 

Quite from the main opinion he held once (II. i. 196). Different from. 

Go along by him (II. i. 218). By his house. 

Within the bond of marriage (II. i. 280). In. 

Beyond all use (II. ii. 25). Contrary to all usage. 

Your statue spouting blood in many pipes (II. ii. 85). From. 

Thaw'd from the true quality with that which melteth fools (III. i. 
41). By. 

Of whose true-fixed and resting quality (III. i. 61). To. 

Unshaked of motion (III. i. 70). By. 

I know that we shall have him well to friend (III. i. 143). For a 
friend; as a friend. 

And pity to the general wrong of Rome (III. i. 170). For. 

Upon this hope (III. i. 221). In; on the strength of. 

In his funeral (III. i. 233). During. 

Their infants quarter 'd with the hands of war (III. i. 268). By. 

Marr'd, as you see, with traitors (III. ii. 207). By. 

He comes upon a wish (III. ii. 275). Immediately after and in conse- 
quence of. 

Belike they had some notice of the people (III. ii. 279). From; about. 

Bayed about with many enemies (IV. i. 49). By. Cf. III. i. 269 and 
III. ii. 207. 

Like horses hot at hand (IV. ii. 23). Either when held in hand or 
by the hand. 

A little from this ground (IV. ii. 49). Away from. 

Sick of many griefs (IV. iii. 144). With; because of. 

Upon what sickness (IV. iii. 152). In consequence of, or, as a result of. 

With her death (IV. iii. 154). Just before. 

By strange manner (IV. iii. 189). In. "By," "with," "from," 
and "in" all represent the Latin Ablative, and are frequently inter- 
changed. 



GEAMMATICAL NOTES 175 

Under your pardon (IV. iii. 214). With. 
With your will (IV. iii. 225). In accordance with. 
Having some advantage on Octavius (V. iii. 6). Over. 
Even with a thought (V. iii. 19). As quickly as. 
Eevenged, with the sword (V. iii. 45). By means of. 
Turns our swords in our own proper entrails (V. iii. 95). Into. 
In a general honest thought (V. v. 71). Filled with. We still talk 
of a person as being in a good frame of mind, in a temper, etc. 



Transposition of Adverbs 

And when you saw his chariot but appear (I. i. 48). When you saw 
but (only) his chariot appear. 

If Caesar carelessly but nod (I. ii. 118). If Caesar but carelessly nod. 

Where Brutus may but find it (I. iii. 144). Where but (only) Brutus 
may find it. Cf. I. i. 48 and I. i. 118. 

Come and call me here (II. i. 8). Come here and call me. 

Alone on Cassius (IV. iii. 93). On Cassius alone (only). 

Fly o'er our heads and downward look on us (V. i. 86). Look down- 
ward. 

I but partly it believe (V. i. 90). I believe it but partly. Cf. I. ii. 
118 and I. iii. 144. 

Only I yield to die (V. iv. 12). I only yield to die. Cf. IV. iii. 93. 

They have but labour 'd to attain (V. v. 42). They have laboured but 
to attain. 

Adjectives as Adverbs 

He put it by thrice, every time gentler than other (I. ii. 229). More 
gently. 

Caesar doth bear me hard (I. ii. 322). Hardly; with difficulty. 

And after this let Caesar seat him sure (I. ii. 330). Surely. 

Indeed, it is a strange-disposed time (I. iii. 33). Strangely. 

Of honour ab te-dangerous consequence (I. iii. 124). Honourably. 

And open perils surest answered (IV. i. 47). Most surely. 

Come on refreshed, new-added, and encouraged (IV. iii. 209). Newly- 
added. 

Young man, thou couldst not die more honourable (V. i. 60). Hon- 
ourably. 



176 JULIUS CAESAR 



Irregular Use of the Relative Pronoun 

Relative pronouns were formerly used more irregularly than now, as 
the following examples will show. 

I have not from your eyes that gentleness 

And show of love as I was wont to have (I. ii. 33). 
* ' As ' ' in this case = which or that. 

Who glared upon me (I. iii. 21). Which. In Shakespeare's time 
"who/' ' 'which," and "that" were used without much distinction. 

That is no fleering tell-tale (I. iii. 117). Here we have "that" for 
"as." Cf. I. ii. 34, for the converse case. 

As who goes farthest (I. iii. 119). As he who goes farthest. 

That will be thaw'd (III. i. 41). We should say "as." 

That now on Pompey's basis lies along (III. i. 115). Who. 

Who, much enforced, shows a hasty spark (IV. iii. 111). Which. 

Who to Philippi here consorted us (V. i. 83). Which. 

Omission op the Relative 

From that it is disposed (I. ii. 319). From that to which it is 
disposed. 

Lucius, who's that knocks? (II. i. 309). Who's that who knocks? 
There is one within . . . recounts most horrid sights (II. ii. 14). 

There is one within . . . who recounts, etc. 
Why, know'st thou any harm's intended? (II. iv. 31). Any harm 
that is intended. 

there were an Antony 
Would ruffle up your spirits (III. ii. 236) 

An Antony who would ruffle, etc. 
I may do that I shall be sorry for (IV. iii. 64.) That which. Cf. IV. 
iii. 65 and V. v. 69. 

Archaic Forms of the Past Participle 

Originally strong past participles ended in en, but in Elizabethan 
English there was a tendency to drop this suffix both in the infinitive and in 
the participle, and so we get many shortened forms of the participle, or what 
looks like the past tense for the participle. 

Then, Brutus, I have much mistook your passion (I. ii. 48). Mistaken. 

Thy honourable metal may be wrought (I. ii. 318). Shakespeare 
always uses ' ' wrought ' ' both for the past tense and the past participle 
of "work." Worked is a modern form, but we still use "wrought" in 
speaking of metals, etc., e. g., ' ' wrought iron. ' ' 



GEAMMATICAL NOTES 177 

Have rived the knotty oaks (I. iii. 6). Eiven. Cf. IV. iii. 84. 

Where I have took them up (II. i. 50). Taken. 

Secret Komans, that have spoke the word (II. i. 125). Spoken. 

The clock hath stricken three (II. i. 192). Struck. 

Stole from my bed (II. i. 238). Stolen. 

O, what a time have you chose out (II. i. 314). Chosen. 

Caesar, 'tis strucken eight (II. ii. 114). It has struck. 

Vnshaked of motion (III. i. 70). Unshaken. 

Untrod (III. i. 136). Untrodden. 

How like a deer, strucken by many princes (III. i. 209). Struck. 

Till Antony have spoke (III. ii. 68). Spoken. 

You have forgot the will I told you of (III. ii. 247). Forgotten. 

Are rid like madmen through the gates of Eome (III. ii. 277). 
Have ridden. 

Shall I be frighted when a madman stares (IV. iii. 40). Frightened 
or affrighted. 

With this she fell distract (IV. iii. 155). Distracted or distraught. 

Nor nothing in your letters writ of her (IV. iii. 183). Written. 

Our enemies have beat us to the pit (V. v. 23). Beaten. 

The Infinitive Form Used for the Gerund 

To think that or our cause or our performance (II. i. 135). By 
thinking. 

To think that Caesar, etc. (III. i. 40). In thinking. 

What cause withholds you then to mourn for him? (III. ii. 103). 
From mourning. 

I have o'ershot myself to tell you of it (III. ii. 161). In teUing. 

To stir men's blood (III. ii. 232). For stirring. 

To walk abroad and recreate yourselves (III. ii. 260). For walking 
abroad and recreating yourselves. 

You wronged yourself to write (IV. iii. 6). By writing. 

Are much condemn 'd to have an itching palm (IV. iii. 10). For having. 

To hedge me in (IV. iii. 30). In hedging. 

Omission of Verb of Motion 

I'll about (I. i. 74). Go about. Cf. III. ii. 214. 

And every man hence to his idle bed (II. i. 117). Go hence. Cf. IV. 
iii. 138 and IV. iii. 231. 



178 JULIUS (LESAB 



Caesar shall forth (II. ii. 10). Go forth. Cf. III. i. 119. 

Or shall we on (III. i. 217). Go on. 

I will myself into the pulpit first (III. i. 236). Go into. 

Thou shalt not back (III. i. 291). Go back. 

And thither will I straight to visit him (III. ii. 274). Will I go. 

We'll along ourselves (IV. iii. 226). Go along. 

Singular Verb with Plural Subject 

There's two or three of us have seen strange sights (I. iii. 138). 
There are. 

7« Decius Brutus, and Trebonius, there (I. iii. 148) ? Are. 

There is tears for his love (III. ii. 30). Are. 

When grief and blood ill-temper 'd vexeth him (IV. iii. 114). Vex. 

Plural Verb with Singular Subject 

And grief, that young Octavius with Mark Antony 

Have made themselves so strong (IV. iii. 153). 

The posture of your blows are yet unknown (V. i. 33). 

Interrogative Verb Without Auxiliary 

Brought you Caesar home? (I. iii. 1). Did you bring? 
Why stare you so? (I. iii. 2). Why do you stare? 

Comes Caesar to the Capitol to-morrow? (I. iii. 36). Does Caesar 
come? Cf. IV. iii. 27. 

Wrong I mine enemies? (IV. ii. 38). Do I wrong? 

Auxiliary Verbs Employed Differently from Present Usage. 

And he shall wear his crown by sea and land (I. iii. 87). Is to. 
Shall I entreat a word? (II. i. 100). May I? 
Caesar should be a beast without a heart (II. ii. 42). Would. 
They could be content (V. i. 8). Would. 

Past Tense for Perfect 

He came not back (V. v. 3). Has not come. 

I found no man but he was true to me (V. v. 35). Have found. 



GEAMMATICAL NOTES 179 



Abstract Nouns Used in the Plural 

Which give some soil, perhaps, to my behaviours (I. ii. 42). Behaviour. 
Our youths and wildness shall no whit appear (II. i. 148). Youth. 
Cowards die many times before their deaths (II. ii. 32). Death. 
And sell the mighty space of our large honours (IV. iii. 25). Honour. 
And in their steads do ravens, crows, and kites (V. i. 85). Stead. 

Accusative for Nominative and Vice Versa 

But we the doers (III. i. 94). Us. 

I do beseech ye (III. i. 157). "Ye" is nominative. 

Save I alone (III. ii. 68). Me. Cf. also V. v. 69. 

Nouns as Adjectives 

Draw them to Tiber banks (I. i. 63). 
His coward lips did from their color fly (I. ii. 122). 
With carrion men, groaning for burial (III. i. 275). 
And this last night here in Philippi fields (V. v. 19). 

Double Superlatives 

With the most boldest and best hearts of Eome (III. i. 121). 
This was the most unkindest cut of all (III. ii. 193). 

Double Negatives 

Yet 'twas not a crown neither (I. ii. 236). 

Nor to no Roman else (III. i. 91). 

Nor no instrument (III. i. 154). 

Nor nothing in your letters (IV. iii. 183). 

Miscellaneous Irregular Constructions 

You ought not walk (I. i. 3). To walk. Modern usage drops the 
infinitive after certain verbs — behold, feel, hear, know, observe, see, etc. 

A labouring day (I. i. 4). A day for laboring. 

Wherefore art not in thy shop to-day (I. i. 32). Note omission of 
subject. 

To see great Pompey pass the streets of Rome (I. i. 47). Pass along. 



180 



JULIUS CAESAR 



That Tiber trembled underneath her banks (I. i. 50). Its. Elizabethan 
writers scarcely ever used the form ''its." It is found only once in the 
Authorized Version of the Bible. 

Go see (I. ii. 25). Go and see. 

And after scandal them (I. ii. 76). Afterwards. 

What hath proceeded worthy note to-day (I. ii. 181). Worthy of note. 

Yond Cassius has a lean and hungry look (I. ii. 194). That. 

He put it by thrice, every time gentler than other (I. ii. 229). The 
other. 

He plucked me ope his doublet (I. ii. 270). Ethical dative; the 
meaning is "I saw him pluck open." 

And after this, let Caesar seat him sure (I. ii. 330). Himself. Cf. 
I. iii. 156. 

Cassius, what night is this! (I. iii. 42). What a night. 

Here, as I point my sword (II. i. 106). "As" used loosely for 
1 ' where. ' ' 

What need we any spur? (II. i. 123). Why. 

Nor the insuppressive mettle of our spirits (II. i. 134). Insuppressible. 

Dear my lord (II. i. 255). My dear lord. 

Ay, and truly, you were best (III. iii. 12). It would be best for you. 

These many, then, shall die (IV. i. 1). So many. 

Call Claudius, and some other of my men (IV. iii. 243). Others. 

Bear with me, good boy, I am much forgetful (IV. iii. 256). Very. 
Much is now used with passive participles only. 

If thou dost nod, thou brealc'st thy instrument (IV. iii. 272). A vivid 
present for "thou art sure to break," "will break." In most languages 
the present tense can be used for either a vivid past or future. 
Fly o'er our heads, and downward look on us, 
is we were sickly prey (V. i. 86). 

As if. Cf. As it were doomsday (III. i. 97). 

And then I swore thee saving of thy life (V. iii. 38). In saving. 
* ' Saving ' ' is the gerund or verbal noun, and should be preceded by the prep- 
osition. The preposition often appears under the form "a," e. g. "the 
house was long a-building, " i. e. in building. Then the preposition dropped 
out and the verbal noun became confused with the participial adjective; 
e. g. a sewing machine = a machine for sewing with. 

Take thou the hilts (V. iii. 43). Hilt. Shakespeare uses both the 
singular and the plural form in speaking of one sword. My sword-hilts 
(V. v. 28). 



VERSIFICATION 

The arrangement and much of the subject-matter of the following pages 

are from Dr. Abbott's Shakespearian Grammar. 

The ordinary line in blank verse consists of five feet of two syllables each 

(iambic pentameter), the second syllable in each foot being accented. 

But ye's | terda'y | the wo'rd | of Cas's J ar mi'ght 
Have stoo'd | again'st | the wor'ld: | now lie's | he the're, 
And no'ne | so poo'r | to do' | him re'v | eren'ce. III. ii. 129-131. 
But as this line is too monotonous and formal for frequent use, the 
metre is varied, sometimes by changing the position of the accent, by 
introducing trisyllabic and monosyllabic feet, and by other devices of 
which Shakespeare took advantage. 
The accent after a pause is frequently on the first syllable, (trochee). 

Cow'ards | die ma'n | y time's | befor'e | their dea'ths. II. ii. 32. 
This ' * pause accent ' ' usually occurs at the beginning of a line. Some- 
times it follows a full stop in the middle. 

He com'es | upon' | a wis'h. | Fo'rtune | is me'rr(y). III. ii. 275. 
Was Ca'ss | ius bor'n. | Give' me | thy ha'nd, | Messa'l(a). V. i. 72. 
Occasionally we have two consecutive trochees. 

2 Cit. Cae'sar | has ha'd | great wro'ng. | 

3 Cit. |Ha's he, |ma'sters? III. ii. 120. 
An extra syllable is frequently added before a pause, especially at the end 

of a line. 

Our cou'rse | will see'm | too bloo'd | y, Ca'i | us Ca'ss(ius). 

II. i. 162. 
So le't | it be' | with Cae's(ar). | The no' | ble Brut (us). 

III. ii. 87. 
I wi'U | not do' | thee so' | much wro'ng | to wake thee. 

IV. iii. 271. 
Such extra syllables are called double — or feminine — endings, and 
they afford a useful indication of the approximate date of the play. 
Speaking generally, if double endings are rare, e. g. four per cent in 
Love's Labour's Lost, 1588, we may infer that the play is of early 
date ; if they occur frequently, that it belongs to a later period, e. g. 
thirty-three per cent in The Tempest, 1610, 

181 



182 JULIUS CiESAK 



Unaccented monosyllables. Provided there be only one accented syllable, 
there may be more than two syllables in any foot. 

No'ne that | I kno'w | will be', | mu'ch that I | fear ma'y chance. 

II. iv. 32. 
I was su're | your lo'rd | ship di'd | not gi've | it m'e. IV. iii. 255. 
Let me se'e, | let me se'e ; | is no't | the leaf | turn 'd down. 

IV. iii. 274. 

Accented monosyllables. Sometimes an unemphatie monosyllable, such as 
and, at, for, from, if, in, of, or, is allowed to stand in an emphatic place, 
and to receive an accent. When such syllables occur at the end of a 
line, they are called "weak endings." These appear for the first time 
in considerable numbers in Macbeth, 1605, and hardly appear at all in 
Shakespeare's earlier plays. 

Such m'en | as he' | be n'e | ver a't | heart's e'ase. I. ii. 208. 

To wa'lk | unbra'c | ed, a'nd | suck u'p | th(e) humo'urs. II. i. 262. 

You ha've | f orgo't | the wi'll | I told | you o'f . III. ii. 247. 

The paucity of weak endings found in Julius Cwsar affords evidence 
that the play was written much earlier than either Antony and Cleo- 
patra or Coriolanus, in which they are comparatively numerous. 

Two extra syllables are sometimes allowed, if unemphatie, before a pause, 
especially at the end of a line. 

To ma'sk | thy mo'n | strous vis'(a)ge? | Seek no'ne, | conspi'r | 
(acy). II. i. 81. 

How fo'ol | ish do' | your fea'rs | seem now', | Calpu'r | (nia). 

II. ii. 105. 

And Bru' | tus An' | tony', | there we're | an An' | (tony). III. ii. 236. 

In this line the first "Antony" is more emphatic than the second. 

Syllables omitted. Many syllables which we now pronounce were formerly 
omitted in pronunciation. Thus: 

A soo'th | sayer bi'ds | you fcewa're | the i'des | of Ma'rch. 

I. ii. 19. 
Submi'tt | ing me' | unto' | the pe'ri j lous ni'ght. I. iii. 47. 

We '11 alo'ng | ourse'lves, | and mee't | them a't | Phili'ppi. 

IV. iii. 226. 
Which giv'e | some so'il, | perha'ps, | to my | behaviours. I. ii. 42. 
Sometimes two syllables coalesce, or are rapidly pronounced together. 
Set hon' | or in' | one ey'e | and dea'th | i'th'oth | er. I. ii. 86. 

Let u's | be sa'cri/rc | ers bu't | not bu't | chers, Caius. II. i. 166. 
Our pu'r | pose ne'e j essary, bu't | not en' | vious. II. i. 178. 



VEESIFICATION 183 



Similarly ' 'whether' '■ — often spelt "where" — in the folios is fre- 
quently a monosyllable. Cf. I. i. 64, II. i. 194, V. iii. 97, V. iv. 30. So 
also ' 'spirit" in I. ii. 29, 147; I. iii. 83, 95; II. i. 134, 169, 324, etc., 
and ' ' either ' ' in IV. i. 23 are monosyllables. 

Lengthening of words.. The termination "ion" is frequently pronounced 
as two syllables at the end of a line — rarely in the middle. 

The na' | ture o'f | an in' | surrec't | ion'. II. i. 69. 

Similarly "satisfaction" in II. ii. 73, "permission" in III. i. 239 

— but a trisyllable in III. ii. 66; "proscription" in IV. i. 17 and IV. 

iii. 180. "Ambitious" is a quadrisyllable in III. ii. 88, 96, 100, 103, 

108; "impatience" is a quadrisyllable in II. i. 248; "fashion" is a 

trisyllable in IV. iii. 135, and ' ' soldier ' » in IV. i. 28 and IV. iii. 51. 

"K" final is pronounced with a kind of "burr/' giving the effect 

of an additional syllable. 

Cos. Good ni'ght, ] my lo'rd. | 

Bru. Good ni'ght, | good bro'th | er. IV. iii. 238. 

Monosyllables are frequently pronounced as dissyllables. 

As fi' | re drives | out fire, | so pit | y pi't | y. III. i. 171. 

Le't me | tell yo' | u, Cas's | ius, yo'u | yourse'lf. IV. iii. 9. 

So also "hour" in II. ii. 121, "fire" in III. ii. 264, "fare"— in 
"farewell" — IV. iii. 232, etc. Observe the scansion of the lines: 

' ' Spe'ak, | stri'ke, | redre'ss ! " | Am I | entrea'ted. II. i. 55. 
Lo'ok, how | he maTses | to Cae's | ar : ma'r | k him. III. i. 18. 
You sha'll | read u's | the wi' 1 11, Cae's | ar 's w'ill. III. ii. 159. 
Cos. Ci'cer | o on' | e? 

Mes. Ci'c | er'o | is dead. IV. iii. 179. 

Monosyllabic exclamations often take the place of a foot. 

Struck Cae's | ar on' | the ne'ck. | O', you flat't(e)rers! V. i. 44. 
Alexandrines containing six pronounced accents are very rare in Shakespeare. 
There is only one in Julius Ccesar: 

And the'se | does she' | apply' | for wa'rn | ings an'd | porte'nts. 

II. ii. 80. 
Apparent Alexandrines are frequent. They can usually be explained by the 
omission of unemphatic syllables. Sometimes they are couplets of two 
verses of three accents each. Thus: 

Is li'ke | to la'y | upon us. | I 'm gla'd | that m/ | weak wor'ds. 

I. ii. 175 
can be explained by the omission of the first syllable of "upon." 

That ma'de | them do'(i)t: | they (a) re wi'se | and hon" | (ou)ra'ble. 

III. ii. 223. 



184 JULIUS C^ESAB 



The following is an example of a trimeter couplet: 

The o'ld | Anchi' | ses bea'r, 1 1 so f ro'm | the wa'ves | of Ti'ber. 

I. ii. 114. 

Lines with four accents are not uncommon where there is an interruption. 

Messa' | la! (Mess, standing forth.) | What sa'ys | my ge'n | era'l? 

V. i. 70. 
He's ta'en. | (Shout.) | And, ha'rk! | they shou't | for jo'y. 

V. iii. 32. 
Single lines with two or three accents are frequently found interspersed 
among the ordinary lines. Numerous examples will be found in Abbott 's 
Shakespearian Grammar, to which the student is referred. 

Ehyme is sparingly used by Shakespeare in his later plays, and when used 
it is always with a definite purpose. Thus it marks the close of a scene 
in I. ii., in V. iii., and V. v. In V. iii. 89 it marks the deliberateness 
with which Titinius puts an end to his own life; similarly, in V. v. 50, 
when Brutus dies. The use of rhyme, says Coleridge, "is unfrequent 
in proportion to the excellence of Shakespeare's plays." 

Prose is used in comic scenes, I. i., III. iii. ; in colloquial scenes, as in I. ii., 
where it indicates Casca's assumed bluntness; for letters, II. iii., and in 
the speech of Brutus, showing that he calmly and deliberately appeals 
to the reason of his hearers, thus affording a contrast to the speech of 
Antony, appealing to the emotions. 



VARIANTS AND PROPOSED EMENDATIONS 

A few only of the more important are given. Other readings will be found in 
the Clarendon Press edition, and in the Temple Shakespeare, to which 
we have occasionally referred. 

Ff. W dikes; Eowe, walls. 

Ff. Why old men, Fooles and children calculate; Blackstone, 

Why old men fool, and children calculate. 
Ff. Is Fauos, like; Johnson, In Favour's like; Eowe, Is 

feav'rous like; Capell, 7s favour 'd like. 
Ides of March, Theobald's correction of Ff. first of March. 
Fourteen, Theobald's correction of Ff. -fifteen. 
Ff. 1, 3, 4, For if thy path thy . . .; F. 2, For if thou 

path, thy . . .; Pope, For if thou march, thy . . .; 

Coleridge, For if thou put thy . . . 
i. 114, 116. Pope gives this speech to Casca. 

Ff. in strength of malice; Capell, no strength of malice; 

Pope, exempt from malice; Badham, unstring their malice. 
Ff. limbs; Johnson, lives; Craik, loins. 
Ff. Objects, Arts; Staunton, objects, orts; Theobald, abject 

orts; Gould, objects, orts. 
IV. i. 44. F. 1, our meanes stretcht; Ff. 2, 3, 4, and out best meanes 

stretcht out; Johnson, our best means stretcht; Malone, 

our means stretch' d to the utmost. 
TV. ii. 50, 53. Craik suggests that Lucilius and Lueius should be trans- 



I. 


ii. 


155. 


I. 


iii. 


65. 


I. 


iii 


129. 


II. 


i. 


40. 


II. 


i. 


59. 


II. 


i. 


83. 


III. 


i. 


114, 


III. 


i. 


174. 


III. 


i. 


262. 


IV. 


i. 


37. 



V. i. 53. Ff. three and thirty; Theobald, three and twenty. 



185 



THE FORUM AND ITS SURROUNDINGS 

The Boman Forum is one of the most interesting spots in the world. 
One need be no classical scholar to feel a thrill of genuine emotion in gazing 
upon the mutilated fragments which crowd this small space — only about 
five acres — that has been the scene of so much history and so much 
glory. The Forum was at once the market, the exchange, the tribunal, and 
the open-air place of meeting, where the destinies of the mighty Eoman 
world were discussed and often decided. From it, roads led to the farthest 
limits of the empire. No description can convey to the mind an adequate 
idea of the attraction of this historic scene. 

A spectator looking northward from the Temple of Castor and Pollux, 
at the southern extremity of the Forum, can see the following buildings 
and ruins: 

Site of the Temple of Vesta. This was a circular building close under 
the Palatine Hill. 

Probable site of Caesar's house, at the foot of the Palatine and behind 
the Temple of Vesta as viewed from the Capitol. 

The earlier Eostra Julia, built 44 B. C. 

The Capitol, resting on the Tabularium. 

The Curia Hostilia, or Senate-house. The site is now occupied by the 
Church of St. Adrian. It was approached from the Forum by a flight of 
steps. 

Steps leading up to the Capitol. 

The Basilica Julia, built by Julius Caesar and named after his daughter 
Julia. It was the great court of appeal. 

The Temple of Castor and Pollux. The columns are Corinthian, and 
form the most beautiful ruin in the Forum. 

The Temple of Saturn, consisting now of eight Ionic columns. 

The Temple of Vespasian. 

The Via Sacra, a winding street leading from the top of the Palatine 
to the top of the Capitoline Hill. Along this street Antony would "run 
his course," and Caesar would pass from his house to the senate. 

The arch of Septimius Severus, erected A. D. 205. 

Site of the Temple Tomb of Caesar, a tomb built to Julius Caesar by the 
triumvirs. This may also be the site of the rostra from which Antony 
delivered his speech, and before which Caesar's body was burnt. 

The Tabularium, upon which the modern Capitol rests. It is one of the 
oldest architectural relics in Kome, and contained the tables of the laws. 

186 



CAUTIONS AND HINTS FOR PARAPHRASING 

1. Do not mistake the meaning of "to paraphrase. ' ' It is not to put into 

other words the words of a passage, but to put into your own words 
the meaning of that passage. 

2. Eead over several times the passage to be paraphrased, and be quite sure 

you have grasped the general sense before writing anything down. 

3. Put nothing down that you do not know the meaning of. If you do 

not understand what you write, you may be sure no one else will. 

4. If you use a dictionary — to be avoided if possible — make sure that you 

understand the meaning selected for any given word, and that it 
"fits in" with your own composition. 

5. It is better to write nothing than to put down unintelligible rubbish. 

6. In paraphrasing poetry — or condensed prose, such as Bacon's — it is 

almost always necessary to amplify in order to bring out the full 
meaning of any given passage, i. e. your version ought generally to 
be longer than the original. 

7. Do not turn into the third person what is expressed in the text in the 

first person, and especially do not change from the one to the other 
without good reason. 

8. Change the order of words or sentences as much as you please so long as 

you preserve the meaning. 

9. Maintain the spirit and general character of the composition as far as 

possible. If you know the context of the extract, that knowledge 
will help you to express yourself appropriately. If you do not know 
the context, imagine a setting for the extract; this will help you to 
make your meaning clear. 

10. Do not use a greater number of words than are necessary to convey your 

meaning, and use the simplest words you can to express your thought. 

EXAMPLE 

1. Paraphrase of the passage commencing "But 'tis a common proof,' ' 

11. i. 21: 

It is a matter of common experience that when a man proposes to him- 
self to scale the heights of ambition, he at first affects humility. So long 
as he sees before him new summits to ascend, he is grateful for the aid by 

187' 



188 JULIUS C^SAR 



which he is enabled to advance. But once he has reached the highest point 
of his ambition, standing alone upon the lofty eminence of his vantage 
ground, seeming to tread the sky, he scorns the steps whereby he rose. So 
may it be in Caesar's case, and therefore we must check him ere he climbs 
too high. And since neither his character nor his conduct has, up to the 
present, given us any good pretext for proceeding against him, let us reason 
thus: If he follows the usual course of such as have risen to great heights, 
being fortified in his greatness, he will pass to such and such extremes. 
We must, therefore, regard him as a serpent's egg, which, when hatched, 
will be venomous and dangerous to all, and we must therefore crush him 
while we may. 



QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW 
INTRODUCTION 

Shakespeare's Life 

1. Write a brief biography of Shakespeare with particular reference 

to the dates of chief events. 

2. Quote the lines from The Merry Wives of Windsor and from 2 Henry 

IV which are regarded as allusions to Shakespeare's experience with 
Sir Thomas Lucy. 

3. Who were Shakespeare's associates in his first important appearance 

upon the stage in 1594? 

4. Trace the direct line of Shakespeare's descendants to the extinction of 

the family. 

5. What conclusions, if any, have you reached regarding Shakespeare's 

religion ? 

6. Give in substance the reference to Shakespeare found in Fuller's 

Worthies. 

7. Complete the stanza by Dry den beginning 

So in this Caesar which today we see. 

8. Give the authors from whom Shakespeare took most of the material 

for his historical plays. 

9. Group Shakespeare's plays under the headings, Comedies, Tragedies, 

and Chronicle Plays. 
10. What other works besides Comedies, Tragedies, and Chronicle Plays did 
Shakespeare write? 

The Drama 

1. Define drama and state its scope. 

2. Name those phases of the drama which do not come under the head- 

ing Comedy or Tragedy. 

3. Sketch briefly the evolution of the Greek drama, and name its chief 

exponents. 

4. Sketch briefly the development of the Roman drama. 

5. Sketch the influence of Christianity upon the drama. 

6. Tell what you know of the Modern Drama down to and including 

Shakespeare's time. 

189 



190 JULIUS CMSAB 



7. Compare the Elizabethan dramatic literature with that which has 

been produced since then. 

8. Compare the staging of the drama in Shakespeare's time with its 

more modern staging. 

9. How does the intelligence of theater- goers of the Elizabethan period 

compare with the intelligence of present day theater-goers? 
10. Briefly sketch the Construction of the drama. 

The Tragedy Julius Ccesar 

1. Tell briefly what you know about the first publication of Julius 

Ccesar. 

2. Give the External and Internal Evidence regarding the date of its 

publication. 

3. In what essential respects do Hamlet and Julius Ccesar resemble each 

other? 

4. Show briefly that in its composition Julius Ccesar conforms to the re- 

quirements of the perfect drama. 

5. How may Julius Ccesar be viewed 

1. As a Political Play, 

2. As a Tragedy of Character? 

6. As Tragedies, how do the Roman and the English plays compare? 

7. Shakespeare obtained his data for this play from Plutarch. Mention 

some of his chief departures from his author's history. 

8. What was the result of these departures? 

9. Reply to the assertion that this play should have been named 

"Brutus" instead of Julius Ccesar. 
10. Write a brief defense of Shakespeare's action in naming this play 
Julius Ccesar. (The form of answer must be different from that 
given to No. 9.) 

General 

1. Discuss the laws of 

1. Distinctiveness. 

2. Contrast. 

3. Consistency. 

4. Effectiveness. 

2. What is usually the result of Shakespeare's divergence from history in 

portraying the characters of some of his dramatis personae? 

3. Give in substance the advice of Coleridge, Carlyle, and Goethe to those 

who would form a correct estimate of the characters of the dramatis 
personae. 



QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW 191 

4. Of these three critics whose advice do you consider the best? 

5. Can you find among Goldsmith's works that author's estimate of 

Shakespeare as a poet. 

Cesar and Brutus 

1. Sketch briefly Caesar's character as portrayed by Shakespeare. 

2. Show by quotations from the play that Shakespeare was aware of, and 

fully appreciated the greatness of Caesar's character. 

3. Give a brief sketch of the character of Brutus. 

4. Tell what you know of the Stoic philosophy. 

5. Compare the oratory of Brutus with that of Antony. 

Cassius 

1. Sketch the character of Cassius as given by Shakespeare. 

2. Show by a quotation from the play that Caesar mistrusted Cassius. 

3. Show by Cassius' own words that he thoroughly understood the weak- 

ness of human nature. 

4. Show that Shakespeare has exhibited to us the better side of Cassius' 

character. 

5. Write a brief contrast between the characters of Brutus and Cassius. 

Antony 

1. Sketch the character of Antony as represented by Brutus and Cassius. 

2. Give a quotation showing the high esteem in which Caesar was held 

by Antony. 

3. Quote the words of Cassius indicating that he dreaded the power of 

Antony. 

4. Quote ten lines of Antony's speech at Caesar's funeral. 

5. Write a brief biography of Antony as given in history. 

Octavius 

1. In what light does Shakespeare represent Octavius' character? 

2. Quote lines showing that Octavius imposed his will on his associates, 

Antony and Lepidus. 

3. How long did Octavius reign? 

4. With what two great military victories is Octavius generally credited? 

5. Write a brief contrast between the characters of Octavius and 

Antony. 

Minor Characters 

1. What important official position did Lepidus occupy? 

2. How did Lepidus end his career? 



192 JULIUS C^SAR 



3. Quote the words of Brutus describing the cause and manner of 

Portia's death. 

4. Write a short contrast between the characters of Portia and Cal- 

purnia. 

5. Why was Cicero sacrificed in the proscription? 

6. How do Shakespeare and history differ as to the character of Casca? 

7. Who was Trebonius? 

8. By whom and under what circumstances were the following lines 

spoken? 

I am not sick, if Brutus have in hand 
Any exploit worthy the name of honour. 

9. Why is the treachery of Decius Brutus considered so heinous? 

10. Distinguish between Cornelius Cinna and Cinna the poet. 

11. By whom and in reference to whom was the following spoken? 

Are yet two Romans living such as they? 

12. Who was Young Cato? 

13. By whom and under what circumstances was the following spoken? 

that's not an office for a friend. 

14. Give in substance Hudson's opinion of the Citizens. 

General 

1. What is said to be the origin of the name Caesar? 

2. Give in substance what history says of Pompey's triumph in Sep- 

tember 61 b. c. 

3. What great historic event took place in Rome in 60 b. c? 

4. During Caesar's absence in Gaul as Pro-Consul, how did he retain his 

political power in Rome? 

5. What important historical event took place in January 49 b. c? 

6. To whom does the following line refer? 

the greatest philosopher Rome has yet produced., 

7. Name the "triumphs" of Caesar and give the dates of their cele- 

bration. 

8. Describe the festival of the Lupercalia. 

9. Give the substance of Horton's description of Caesar's assassination. 

10. Why is the assassination of Caesar said to have been a political 

blunder? 

11. After the death of Caesar among whom was the Roman Empire 

divided, and what part was assigned to each? 



QUESTIONS FOE REVIEW 193 

12. What was the "proscription" and name some of its most eminent 

victims? 

13. Write a brief description of the battle of Philippi. 

14. What were the effects of the battles of Philippi and of Actium 

respectively ? 

Act I. — Scenes I and II 

1. Quote from these scenes verbal quibbles or puns. 

2. Explain the allusions in the following: "as JEneas did . . . the 

old Anchises bear," "walk under his huge legs," "since the great 
flood," "he spoke Greek," "the great opinion that Eome holds of 
his name." 

3. Comment upon the grammar of the following: "will you go see," 

"arrive the point proposed," "that same eye . . . did lose his 
lustre," "under these hard conditions as this time is like to lay 
upon us," "he plucked me ope his doublet." 

4. Describe, according to these scenes, the personal appearance of Cassius 

and Cicero. 

5. Explain the following, quoting one line of the play in connection with 

each: replication, ceremonies, pitch, ides, passions of some differ- 
ence, jealous, falling -sickness, tardy form. 

6. By what arguments does Cassius persuade Brutus to join the conspiracy. 

7. Describe the offering of the crown to Csesar. How does Casca's account 

reveal his own character, and how is that account received by Brutus ? 

Act I. — Scene III 

1. By whom, and under what circumstances, are the following words 

spoken? Explain them where necessary: "they are portentous 
things unto the climate that they point upon," "the true cause 
. . . why birds and beasts from quality and kind," "to such a 
man that is no fleering tell-tale," "look you lay it in the praetor's 
chair. ' * 

2. In what sense does Shakespeare use the following words: sensible, 

calculate, monstrous, trash, griefs, complexions, alchemy? 

3. Scan {i.e. separate the feet by a vertical line and accent the syllables 

in) the following lines: 

And, thus unbraced, Casca, as you see. 

Our yoke and sufferance show us womanish. 

Cassius from bondage will deliver Cassius. 



194 JULIUS (LESAK 



4. What signs and portents presaged the death of Caesar? How were 

they regarded by Casca and by Cicero respectively? 

5. What do you know of (1) the Capitol, (2) Pompey's porch. (See 

Notes.) 

6. Paraphrase the ten lines commencing "But if you would consider the 

true cause" (1. 62). 

Act I. — General 

1. Show how the first scene is connected with the subject of the play. 

How are the citizens characterized? 

2. Explain the following with reference to their context: 

(a) When Caesar says, "Do this," it is performed. 

(b) For, let the gods so speed me, as I love 
The name of honour more than I fear death. 

(c) Come on my right hand, for this ear is deaf. 

(d) He was quick mettle when he went to school. 

(e) This disturbed sky is not to walk in. 

3. Give examples from this act of the use of (1) a noun for adjective, (2) 

noun for verb, (3) ethic dative, (4) words accented in an unusual 
manner. 

4. What is the leading feature of Brutus' character? Show how Cassius 

works upon it. 

5. Explain ' ' run his course, ' ' " the market-place, ' ' " a man of any occu- 

pation, ' ' ' ' cast yourself in wonder, ' ' " preformed faculties. ' ' 

Act II. — Scene I 

1. By what argument does Brutus try to justify the murder of Caesar? 

2. Upon what special points does the opinion of Cassius differ from that 

of Brutus? Whose opinion prevails in each case? 

3. With what meanings are the following words found in this scene? 

Quote a line in illustration of each: remorse, exhalations, faction, 
fantasies^ 

4. By whom and under what circumstances are the following passages 

spoken ? What alternative readings have been suggested for any one 
of them? (See Variants and Proposed Emendations.) 

(a) For if thou path, thy native semblance on, 

(b) It shall be said his judgment ruled our hands. 

(c) All the charactery of my sad brows. 

5. Discuss the grammar of the following: "where I have took them up," 

"swear priests, and cowards," "look fresh and merrily," "no fig- 
ures nor no fantasies," "dear my lord," "who's that knocks." 



QUESTIONS FOE EEVIEW 195 

6. Give instances of anachronisms from this scene. 

7. What reason does Brutus give for allowing no oath to be taken? 

Act II. — Scene II 

1. Contrast the character of Calpurnia with that of Portia. 

2. Explain ceremonies, hurtled, blase, liable. 

3. Describe the dream of Calpurnia. 

4. Explain the following with reference to their context: "go bid the 

priests do present sacrifice," "your wisdom is consumed in confi- 
dence, " "it was a vision fair and fortunate," "O, I grow faint." 

5. Quote passages in which Caesar speaks of himself in the third person. 

Comment thereon with reference to the character of Caesar. 

6. Describe the part taken by Decius Brutus in the play. 

Act II. — General 

1. What instances of superstition occur in this Act? 

2. What do you know of Trebonius, Ligarius, Artemidorus, both from 

history and from the play? (See Introduction, Characters of the 
Play.) 

3. Explain the following, giving their context: 

(a) My ancestors did from the streets of Eome 
The Tarquin drive, when he was call'd a king. 

(b) He loves to hear 
That unicorns may be betray 'd with trees. 

(c) Caesar, I never stood on ceremonies. 

4. Explain the following words: palter, cautelous, augurers, tinctures, 

cognizance, yearns. 

5. Scan the following lines, and comment upon points of interest: 

(a) Our purpose necessary, and not envious. 

(b) Caesar, I never stood on ceremonies. 

(c) But, for your private satisfaction. 

Act III. — Scene I 

1. Describe the assassination of Caesar. Where did it take place (1) in 

Shakespeare, (2) according to history? (See Introduction.) 

2. Describe the conduct of Antony immediately after the murder of Caesar. 

3. Explain the following, briefly indicating their context: "pre-ordinance 

and first decree," "men are flesh and blood, and apprehensive," 
"sign'd in thy spoil, and crimson 'd in thy lethe," "their infants 
quarter 'd with the hands of war." 



196 JULIUS C^ESAB 



4. Upon what conditions is Antony allowed to speak at Caesar's funeral? 

5. What is there noticeable in the grammar of the following? "You are 

the first that rears your hand, ' ' " nor to no Koman else, ' ' ' ' then walk 
we forth,' ' "what, shall we forth?" "the most boldest and best 
hearts of Borne. ' ' 

6. Paraphrase the ten lines commencing ' ' I must prevent thee, Cimber. ' ' 

Act III. — Scenes II and III 

1. Discuss Shakespeare's representation of the common people. 

2. Give in your own words the substance of Brutus' speech to the people. 

How is it received? 

3. Give, as far as possible in their order, without quoting, the chief points 

of Mark Antony's speech. 

4. How are the following words used in these scenes: lovers, extenuated, 

beholding, dint, directly? 

5. By whom and under what circumstances are the following passages 

spoken : 

(a) Not that I loved Caesar less, but that I loved Bome more. 

(b) Ingratitude, more strong than traitors' arms, 
Quite vanquish 'd him. 

(c) I dreamt to-night that I did feast with Caesar. 

6. How does Shakespeare make it evident that he is not ignorant of 

Caesar's true greatness? (See Introduction.) 

7. Give examples from these scenes of (1) a double superlative, (2) the 

unusual uses of prepositions, (3) an irregular past participle. 

Act III. — General 

1. Where did the incidents related in this act take place? What dramatic 

advantage is gained by Shakespeare in departing from historical 
truth? (See Introduction.) 

2. Briefly contrast the speeches of Brutus and Antony, and show how the 

contrast grows out of the character and motives of the speaker in 
each case. 

3. Give the context of the following passages, explaining where necessary : 

(a) My misgiving still 
Falls shrewdly to the purpose. 

(b) O world! thou wast the forest to this hart. 

(c) The question of his death is enrolled in the Capitol. 

4. Explain: "into the law of children." (What is the reading of the 

folios? See Variants and Proposed Emendations.) "untrod state," 
' ' cry ' Havoc, ' " "on this side Tiber, " " charge my fantasy. ' ' 



QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW 197 

5. Quote and explain allusions to Olympus, Ate, the Lupercal, Nervii. 

6. Scan the following, with necessary comments : 

(a) Look, how he makes to Caesar: mark him. 

(b) As fire drives out fire, so pity pity. 

(c) And Brutus Antony, there were an Antony. 

Act IV. — Scenes I and II 

1. Give a short historical account of the events which took place be- 

tween the death of Caesar and the battle of Philippi. (See Historical 
Introduction.) 

2. Give the date of the battle of Philippi, and state the number of forces 

engaged. 

3. Explain the passage: 

One that feeds 
On objects, arts, and imitations. 

Explain also the suggested emendation : 

(See Variants and Proposed Emendations.) 

On abjects, orts, and imitations. 

4. In what senses are the following words used in these scenes: damn, 

directly, powers, resolved, instances, jades, griefs? 

5. Where do the incidents of each of these scenes take place, and when? 

6. Paraphrase the nine lines commencing "Ever note, Lucilius" (ii.). 

Act IV. — Scene III 

1. State clearly the cause or causes of the quarrel between Brutus and 

Cassius. 

2. What tenets of the Stoics are alluded to in this scene? How does 

Brutus act up to his principles? 

3. Describe the appearance of Caesar's ghost. What bearing has it upon 

the title of the play? 

4. Illustrate from this scene (1) Brutus' consideration for others, (2) 

Cassius' habitual deference to Brutus' will. 

5. Explain with reference to the context: 

(a) Do what you will, dishonour shall be humour. 

(b) How 'scaped I killing when I cross 'd you so? 

(c) Even so great men great losses should endure. 

(d) Now I have taken heart thou vanishest. 

6. Give the meaning of the following words: noted, bait, rascal, humour, 

jigging, ventures, Tcnave, Quote a line or part <\f a line in con- 
nection with each. 



198 JULIUS C^SAR 



7. Paraphrase eight lines commencing ''There is a tide in the affairs of 
men. ' ' 

Act IV. — General 

1. Give an account of the quarrel between Brutus and Cassius. 

2. Show that Antony and Octavius are better suited to work together 

than are Brutus and Cassius. 

3. What is the p?an of campaign suggested by Brutus and by Cassius 

respectively? What reasons are given by each in support of his 
proposal ? 

4. Explain the following words and phrases, briefly indicating the con- 

text: testy, venom of your spleen, cynic, Mils of outlawry, powers. 

5. Explain any grammatical peculiarities in the following lines: 

(a) Or here, or at the Capitol. 

(b) And bayed about with many enemies. 

(c) Nor nothing in your letters writ of her? 

(d) I will not do thee so much wrong to wake thee. 

6. Quote fifteen lines commencing "Come, Antony, and young Octavius, 

come. ' ' 

Act V. — Scenes I and II 

1. How is the masterful character of Octavius revealed in these scenes? 

2. Epicurus assumed for man independence of the gods and of fatality. 

How is this illustrated in the play? 

3. Give an account of the conversation between Brutus and Cassius on the 

subject of suicide. 

4. Scan the following lines: 

(a) Struck Caesar on the neck. O, you flatterers! 

(b) Our army lies, ready to give up the ghost. 

(c) For ever, and for ever, farewell, Brutus! 

5. Give the context of, and explain the allusions in, the following: 

(a) But for your words, they rob the Hybla bees. 

(b) Even by the rule of that philosophy 

By which I did blame Cato for the death 
Which he did give himself. 

6. Explain the following words, and give derivations where you can: 

exigent, peevish, canopy, bills. 

7. Describe the character of Antony. (See Introduction.) 

Act V. — Scenes III, IV, and V 

1. What errors are committed by Brutus and his men at the battle of 
Philippi? 



QUESTIONS FOE EEVIEW 199 

2. Write a short note upon "The seriousness of errors in war," draw- 

ing your illustrations from this play. 

3. Write brief accounts of Messala, Lucilius, Flavius and Marullus, 

Volumnius. 

4. Describe the death of (1) Young Cato, (2) Brutus. (See Introduction.) 

5. Enlarge upon this theme: 

All the conspirators, save only he, 

Did that they did in envy of great Csesar. 

6. By whom, to whom, and under what circumstances are the following 

lines spoken? Explain where necessary: 

(a) In Parthia did I take thee prisoner. 

(b) The sun of Eome is set! 

(c) Why, now thou diest as bravely as Titinius. 

7. Show how Shakespeare uses the following words, and explain them: 

lights, change, success, battles, entertain, elements. 

8. By whom are the two concluding speeches of the play delivered? 

Write them out from memory. 

9. Comment upon any peculiarities discernible in the grammar of the 

following: "then I swore thee," "but hold thee, take, etc.," 
"there is so much that thou wilt kill me straight," "that have but 
laboured to attain this hour.' 

Act V. — General 

1. Give a description of the two battles of Philippi, showing clearly the 

positions occupied by the several leaders. In what respects does 
Shakespeare's description differ from that of Plutarch? 

2. Explain the allusions to Hybla bees, Epicurus, Marcus Cato. 

3. How does Brutus express himself over the body of Cassius? To what 

extent are his words justifiable? 

4. Scan the following lines: 

(a) He's ta'en. [Shout.] And, hark! they shout for joy. 

(b) Alas, thou hast misconstrued everything. 

(c) And see whether Brutus be alive, or dead. 

5. What inconsistency do you observe between the death of Brutus by 

his own hand and his previously expressed opinions on the subject 
of suicide? How may this inconsistency be explained? 

6. Explain the following phrases, and give their context: "kill'st the 

mother that engender 'd thee," "this is a Soman's part," "some 
smatch of honour," "the elements so mix'd in him." 



200 JULIUS C^ESAE 



7. Upon what occasions in the play does Shakespeare employ rhyme? 
Show that he always has a definite purpose in so doing. 

General Questions on the Play 

1. Illustrate by references to the play the character of Brutus. 

2. Give the context of "Let him be Caesar.' ' How does this help us to 

understand the issue of the drama? 

3. Give the supposed date of the composition of Julius Ccesar, and the rea- 

sons which make this date probable. Mention other plays written 
by Shakespeare about the same time. 

4. Point out supposed references to the play Julius Ccesar (1) In another 

of Shakespeare's plays; (2) In a contemporary author. What is 
the probable relation in order of time between the plays Julius 
Ccesar and Antony and Cleopatra? Give reasons for your answer. 
What is Shakespeare's authority for the historical statements in 
this play? 

5. Describe briefly the events which immediately lead to the suicide of 

Brutus and of Cassius, and show the reasons which, in their eyes, 
justify that course. 

6. Contrast the characters of Brutus and Cassius. Do you agree with 

Shakespeare's view of the former (as put into the mouth of 
Antony at the end of the play) ? Do these men act in accordance 
with the teachings of the schools of philosophy they represent? 

7. M. Guizot says: "If Brutus is the hero, Caesar is the subject of the 

play." Develop this statement. 

8. Mention any words which in Shakespeare's lines must have been pro- 

nounced or accented differently from the way they are at present. 



GLOSSAEY 



Abide, pay for, to stand the consequences 
of, III. i. 94, III. ii. 125. 

Abuse, evil, II. i. 18. 

Accoutred, fully equipped, I. ii. 105. 

Address'd, ready, prepared, III. i. 29. 

Affections, feelings, II. i. 20. 

Against, opposite, I. iii. 20. 

Aim, the direction of a missile or of any- 
thing compared with it, I. iii. 52. 

Alchemy, the art of converting base 
metals into gold, I. iii. 159. 

An, a shortened form of "and." "If" 
(archaic) in I. ii. 271, I. ii. 288, IV. 
iii. 259. 

Answer, to he responsible for, I. iii. 114; 
to meet, V. i. 24. 

Answered, met, safely combated, IV. i. 47. 

Apparent, manifest, obvious, II. i. 198. 

Apprehensive, ruled hy imagination, 
possessing the faculty of comprehen- 
sion, III. i. 67. 

Apt, fit, ready, III. i. 160; receptive, V. 
iii. 68. 

Arts. (See Note IV. i. 37, page 170.) 

Ate, the Greek goddess of vengeance, 
III. i. 271. 

Augurer, a soothsayer in ancient Rome, 

II. i. 200, II. ii. 37. 

Awl, a shoemaker's tool, I. i. 28. 

Bait, to harass in a manner like dogs — 

literally, to make bite, IV. iii. 28. 
Basis, base (as of a statue), III. i. 115. 
Battle, division of an army, battalion, or 

it may mean an army, V. i. 4, V. i. 16, 

V. iii. 108. 
Bay, 1. Vb. intr., to bark as a dog, IV. i. 

49; 2. Vb. trans., to bark at, IV. iii. 

27; 3. to chase, to drive to bay, III. 

i. 204. 
Behaviours, outward conduct, I. ii. 42. 
Beholding:, obliged, indebted; used for 

the more correct form "beholden," 

III. ii. 72. 

Belike, probably, III. ii. 279. 
Bend, look, glance, I. ii. 123. 
Bills, instructions, dispatches, V. ii. 1. 
Bird of night, the owl, I. iii. 26. 
Bootless, unavailingly, uselessly, III. 
i. 75. 



Brand, a burning piece of wood, III. ii. 

264, III. iii. 37. 
Break with., disclose the matter to, II. 

i. 150. 
Brook, to bear, to endure, I. ii. 159. 
Brought, escorted, I. iii. 1. 
Budge, to give way, to flinch, IV. iii. 44. 
By, by the side of, III. i. 162. 
By him, near him (i. e., by his house), 

II. i. 218. 

Call in question, discuss, IV. iii. 165. 

Canopy, a covering, V. i. 88. 

Capitol, the citadel of ancient Rome. 
See Notes, Act. I. i. 73, and I. iii. 36. 

Carrions, decaying carcasses, worthless 
creatures, II. i. 130. 

Cause, affair, V. i. 48. 

Cautelous, false, deceitful, not to be 
trusted, II. i. 129. 

Censure, to judge, estimate, III. ii. 16. 

Ceremony, outward rite, I. ii. 11; any 
thing, or observance held sacred, used 
(a) of festal ornaments hung on 
Csssar's images, and (b) of signs, 
prodigies, and the like superstitions, 
I. i. 70, II. i. 197, II. ii. 13. 

Chafe, to fret, fume, I. ii. 101. 

Change, tit-for-tat, exchange, V. iii. 51. 

Charactery, writing, II. i. 308. 

Charge, to load, to burden, III. iii. 2; 
expense, cost, IV. i. 9; military post 
or command; hence troops under a 
person's command, IV. ii. 48; (the 
attack itself, V. i. 24). 

Charm, conjure, cast a spell upon, II. 
i. 271. 

Cheer, cheerfulness, courage, III. i. 89. 

Chew, to grind with the teeth; hence, to 
ruminate, meditate, ponder, I. ii. 171. 

Chopt or Chapped, rent and cracked 
with toil or age; "chap" is the later 
form of "chop," I. ii. 247. 

Clean from, quite away from, quite con- 
trary to, I. iii. 35. 

Climate, district, country, I. iii. 32. 

Close, agree, III. i. 202. 

Cobbler, a clumsy mender, a botcher, I. 
i. 11. 

Cognizance, that by which something is 



201 



202 



JULIUS CESAR 



known, proved, or remembered; in 
heraldry, a badge, II. ii. 89. 

Colour, plausible appearance, II. i. 29. 

Come by, get possession of, II. i. 169. 

Common pulpits, those in the forum 
from which the orators addressed the 
people, III. i. 80. 

Companion, you fellow, IV. iii. 138. 

Compass, circular course, V. iii. 25. 

Complexion, external appearance, par- 
ticularly when expressive of some nat- 
ural disposition, I. iii. 128. 

Conceit, to form an idea of, to judge of, 

1. iii. 162, III. i. 192. 
Condition, disposition, II. i. 254. 
Constancy, firmness, II. iv. 6. 
Content, self-contained, calm, IV. ii. 41. 
Contrive, to devise, plot, conspire, II. 

iii. 15. 
Counter, a round piece of metal used for 

counting, IV. iii. 80. 
Courtesy, a kind of reverence made by 

men as well as by women, III. i. 36, 

III. i. 43. 
Covert, secret, disguised, IV. i. 46. 
Credit, repute, estimation, III. i. 191. 
Cull, to select, to pick, I. i. 59. 
Cynic, a rude man, IV. iii. 133. 

Dank, damp, moist, II. i. 263. 
-Dearer, more intensely, more deeply, 
-"'III. i. 196. 

Defiance, challenge to fight, V. i. 64. 
Degree, a step or round of a staircase or 

ladder, II. i. 26. 
Dew, 1. moisture precipitated by the 

cooling of the atmosphere, V. iii. 64; 

2. used of things refreshing and 
beneficent, II. i. 230. 

Dint, impression, III. ii. 204. 

Directly, in a straight line, IV. i. 32; 
just, exactly, I. ii. 3; without am- 
biguity, straightforwardly, imme- 
diately, I. i. 14, III. iii. 16, III. iii. 21. 

Distract, beside oneself, desperate, IV. 
iii. 155. 

Doomsday, the day of the last and uni- 
versal judgment, III. i. 97. 

Doublet, probably an undergarment, I. 
ii. 270. 

Drachma, an ancient Greek coin worth 
about nineteen cents, III. ii. 251, IV. 
iii. 73. 

Drizzle, to shed in small, slow drops, II. 
ii. 21. 

Element, aspect of the sky, I. iii. 128. 
Emulation, jealousy, envious contention, 
II. iii. 14. 



Enforce, magnified, exaggerated, III 

ii. 45. 
Enfranchisement, 1. release from prison 

or slavery, III. i. 81; repeal from 

exile, restoration to public rights, III 

i. 57. 
Enlarge, to express fully, to speak freely 

of, IV. ii. 46. 
Entertain, to take into one's service V 

v. 60. 
Envious, malicious, II. i. 178, III. ii. 185. 
Eternal, used to express extreme abhor- 
rence, I. ii. 160. 
Even, unsullied, II. i. 133. 
Exhalation, a bright phenomenon, a 

meteor, II. i. 44. 
Exigent, exigency, pressing necessity, 

V. i. 19. 
Extenuate, to undervalue, detract from 

III. ii. 43. 

Factious, active in organizing a party, 

I. iii. 118. 
Fain, gladly, willingly, I. ii. 241. 
Fall, befall or happen, III. i. 243; used 

actively in the sense of "lower," IV 

ii. 26. 
Falling n sickness, epilepsy, I. ii. 260. 
False, out of tune, IV. iii. 292. 
Fantasy, imagination, III. iii. 2, II. i. 

197; mental image, conceit, II. i. 231. 
Fatal, foreboding mischief and death, V 

i. 88. 
Favour, appearance, I. ii. 91. 
Fear, cause of fear, II. i. 190. 
Fell, fierce, cruel, III. i. 269. 
Fleer, to make a wry face, to grin, I. 

iii. 117. 
Fool, act like fools, I. iii. 65. 
Fond, foolish, III. i. 39. 
Formal, well-regulated, II. i. 227. 
Former, foremost, front, V. i. 80. 
Forms, benches, III. ii. 268. 
Forth, go forth, III. i. 119. 
Fret, mark with ornamental lines, inter- 
lace, II. i. 104. 
From, different from, II. i. 196; away 

from, III. ii. 175; contrary to, I. iii. 

64. 

General, general public, community, II. 

i. 12. 
Genius, inborn faculty, reasonable part 

of the soul, II. i. 66. 
Gentle, noble, as in our "gentleman," II. 

i. 171. 
Grace, honor, III. ii. 64. 
Growing, encroaching, II. i. 107. 



GLOSSAEY 



203 



Hands, handwritings, I. ii. 325. 

Handywork, workmanship, I. i. 33. 

Havoc, indiscriminate slaughter, de- 
struction, III. i. 273. 

Hearse, a coffin on a bier, III. ii. 175. 

Heavy, weighed down with care, II. i. 
275. 

Hedge, hamper, restrain, IV. iii. 30. 

Hie, to make haste, I. iii. 150, V. iii. 78. 

Hind, female of the stag, I. iii. 106. 

Humour, wheedle, I. ii. 324. 

Humours, moisture, II. i. 262. 

Hurtle, to jostle, meet noisily in shock 
and conflict, II. ii. 22. 

Ides, the 15th day of March, May, July, 
October, 13th of other months in the 
Roman calendar, I. ii. 18, 19, 23; II. 
i. 40; III. i. 1; IV. iii. 18; V. i. 114. 

Idle, vain, empty, futile, IV. iii. 68. 

Incense, to instigate, provoke, I. iii. 13. 

Indifferently, impartially, without inter- 
est, I. ii. 87. 

Indirection, wrong, dishonest practice, 
IV. iii. 75. 

Instances, familiar attentions, IV. ii. 
16. 

Insuppressive, insuppressible, not to be 
kept down, II. i. 134. 

Interim, intervening time, interval, II. 
i. 64. 

Intermit, to suspend, interrupt, I. i. 64. 

Issue, deed, result of the action, III. i. 
294. 

Jades, sorry nags, worthless, or mal- 
treated horses, IV. ii. 26. 

Jealous, suspicious in any way, I. ii. 71; 
suspiciously fearful, doubtful, I. ii. 
162. 

Jigging, singing in the tune of a jig; 
composing jigs or doggerel rhymes, 
IV. iii. 137. 

Just, true, so, I. ii. 54. 

Keep, bide, live with, II. i. 284. 

Kerchief, a cloth to cover the head, II. 
i. 315. 

Kind, sort, race, class, II. i. 33. 

Knave, a boy, a servant — term of ad- 
dress used in friendly intercourse, IV. 
iii. 242, IV. iii. 270. 

Laugher, buffoon, jester, I. ii. 72. 

Law of children, puerility, childishness, 

III. i. 39. 
Let blood, slain, III. i. 152. 
Lethe, death, III. i. 206. 



Lief, lit. dear. "I had as lief — I should 
like as much"; followed by an inf. 
without "to," I. ii. 95. 

Limitations, restrictions, II. i. 283. 

Loath, unwilling, averse, I. ii. 243. 

Lottery, chance, II. i. 119. 

Mace, a club of metal used as an em- 
blem of authority, IV. iii. 269. 

Main, strong, firm, II. i. 196. 

Mar, to injure, spoil, ruin, III. ii. 207. 

Marry, indeed, forsooth, I. ii. 229. 

Mart, to traffic, trade, IV. iii. 11. 

Merely, entirely, altogether, I. ii. 39. 

Mettle or Metal, constitutional dispo- 
sition, character, temper, I. i. 71, I. 
ii. 318; a fiery temper; ardor, high 
courage, II. i. 134, IV. ii. 24. 

Misgiving, fear, III. i. 145. 

Mo, Moe, more in number, II. i. 72; V. 
iii. 101. 

Mortal, rational spirits, II. i. 66. 

Motion, impulse, II. i. 64. 

Napkin, a handkerchief, III. ii. 144. 
Naughty, bad, good for nothing, I. i. 18. 
Neat, horned cattle, an ox, I. i. 32. 
Nice, petty, insignificant, IV. iii. 8. 
Niggard, to supply sparingly, IV. iii. 

229. 
Note, to set a mark on; in an ill sense — 

to dishonor or stigmatize, IV. iii. 2. 

Observe, pay court to, look up to, IV. 
iii. 45. 

Objects, anything that can be recog- 
nized by the senses, IV. i. 37. 

O'er-watch'd, tired out with watching, 
IV. iii. 242. 

Offal, waste meat, refuse, I. iii. 109. 

Offence, harm, IV. iii. 201. 

Orchard, a garden, III. ii. 257. 

Order, course, III. i. 230. 

Palter, to shift, shuffle, equivocate, II. i. 
126. 

Passion, real feelings, I. ii. 48. 

Path, walk abroad, II. i. 83. 

Peevish, silly, childish, V. i. 61. 

Phantasma, a vision, day-dream, II. 
i. 65. 

Physical, wholesome, salutary, medic- 
inal, II. i. 261. 

Pitch, height; a term used in falconry, 
I. i. 78. 

Pitiful, compassionate, III. i. 169. 

Portent, omen of ill, II. ii. 80. 

Prefer, present, lay before, III. i. 27. 

Preformed, predestined, I. iii. 67. 



204 



JULIUS C^SAE 



Pre-ordinance, a rule previously estab- 
lished, III. i. 38. 

Present, immediate, II. ii. 5. 

Prevent, to forestall, II. i. 28. 

Prevention, detection, II. i. 85; frustra- 
tion of plans by being anticipated, 
III. i. 19. 

Proceeded, happened, I. ii. 181. 

Prodigious, portentous, I. iii. 28. 

Prodigy, portent, II. i. 198. 

Produce, bring out, exhibit, III. i. 228. 

Profess myself, make professions of af- 
fection, I. ii. 77. 

Promised forth, engaged out, I. ii. 298. 

Proof, experience, II. i. 21. 

Proper, (one's) very own, V. iii. 96; pe- 
culiar to, I. ii. 41; fine, handsome — 
used of men, I. i. 32. 

Property, tool, IV. i. 40. 

Proscription, dooming to death without 
legal proceeding, IV. iii. 173, IV. iii. 
180. 

Protester, one who insists upon, I. ii. 74. 

Provender, dry food for beasts, IV. i. 30. 

Put on, feel, I. iii. 60; assume, II. i. 225. 

Quality, nature, I. iii. 68. 

Quarrel, cause of complaint, II. i. 2S. 

Quick, lively, I. ii. 29, I. ii. 305. 

Bank, sick, diseased from excessive 

growth, III. i. 152. 
Rascal, mean, good for nothing, IV. 

iii. 80. 
Rears, raise, III. i. 30. 
Remorse, pity, II. i. 19. 
Repeal, to recall from exile, III. i. 51. 
Replication, reverberation, echo, I. i. 56. 
Resolved, satisfied, III. i. 131, III. ii. 

189, IV. ii. 14. 
Retentive, restraining, checking, I. 

iii. 95. 
Rheumy, causing cold, II. i. 266. 
Rive, to split, cleave, rend, I. iii. 8, IV. 

iii. 84. 
Rout, noisy company, mob, I. ii. 78. 
Rude, barbarous, III. ii. 34. 

Sad, serious, I. ii. 218. 

Saucy, impudent, insolent, I. iii. 12, IV. 

iii. 134. 
Saving of, sparing, V. iii. 38. 
Scandal, abuse, slander, I. ii. 76. 
Schedule, a piece of paper written on, 

III. i. 3. 
Search, pierce, probe, V. iii. 42. 
Sennet, a signal — call on a trumpet, I. 

ii. 24. 
Served, attended to, III. i. 8. 



Show, demonstration, I. ii. 34. 

Shrewdly, in a high degree, lit. mis- 
chievously, maliciously, III. i. 146. 

Sign, to mark, set a stamp on, III. i. 205. 

Sirrah, a form of address used toward 
inferior persons, IV. iii. 134, V. iii. 36. 

Slighted off, treated with contempt, IV. 
iii. 5. 

Smatch, smack, taste, tincture, V. v. 46. 

Sort, station or rank, I. i. 67. 

Spare, thin, lean, I. ii. 201. 

Speed, make prosperous, help, I. ii. 88. 

Spleen, fit of passion, IV. iii. 47. 

Spoil, plundering, V. iii. 7, destruction, 
havoc, III. i. 207. 

Stale, to render stale, make worthless, 
I. ii. 73. 

Stand upon, attach importance to, con- 
cern oneself with, III. i. 100. 

Stare, stand on end, bristle, IV. iii. 281. 

Stomach, inclination, disposition, V. 
i. 66. 

Strain, family, race, V. i. 59. 

Strucken, struck or stricken, III. i. 210. 

Subtle, artful, dissembling, II. i. 175. 

Suburbs, outskirts, II. i. 285. 

Success, result (not necessarily prosper- 
ous), II. ii. 6, V. iii. 66. 

Sway, steady-moving, I. iii. 3. 

Swayed, governed, II. i. 20. 

Swounded, swooned, I. ii. 251. 

Tag-rag, rabble; a "tag" is anything 

"tacked," i. e., attached, I. ii. 262. 
Tardy, slothful, I. ii. 308. 
Tending to, indicating, I. ii. 327, III. ii. 

65. 
Testy, easily angered, fretful, IV. iii. 45. 
Thews, muscles, sinews, I. iii. 81. 
Thought, anxiety, grief, II. i. 187. 
Thorough, through, III. i. 136, V. i. 110. 
Thunder-stone, thunderbolt, I. iii. 48. 
Tide, alternate ebb and flow of the sea, 

IV. iii. 219; metaphorically, denoting 

a regular course and progress, III. i. 

256. 
Time, full period, limit, V. i. 106. 
Toil, a net, snare, II. i. 206. 
Trash, worthless matter, dross, IV. iii. 

26, IV. iii. 74. 
Trophy, a sign and token of victory, I. 

i. 79. 

UnbraeSd, unclosed, unfastened, unbut- 
toned, I. iii. 48. 
Undergo, undertake, I. iii. 123. 
Underling, vassal, serf, I. ii. 141. 
Unlucky, foreboding, III. iii. 2. 
Unmeritable, worthless. IV. i. 12. 



GLOSSAEY 



205 



Voice, vote, III. i. 177. 

Void, empty, not occupied, II. iv. 37. 

Vouchsafe, to grant in condescension, 

III. i. 130; to accept, II. i. 313. 
Vulgar, the common people, I. i. 80. 

Wafture, waving, II. i. 246. 

Warn, summon, challenge, V. i. 5. 

Weighing, taking in consideration, II. 
i. 108. 

Well-given, well-disposed, I. ii. 197. 

Wench, a woman; not always deroga- 
tory, as at present, I. ii. 278. 



Whiles, when, since, if, I. ii. 209. 

Wind, wheel, IV. i. 32. 

Woe the while, alas for the present age! 

I. iii. 82. 
Wrangle, to argue vehemently, quarrel, 

IV. ii. 45. 
Wrong, harm, III. i. 242. 

Yearn, to grieve, II. ii. 129. 

Yoke, servitude, bondage, I. ii. 61, I. 

iii. 84. 
Yond, that, I. ii. 194. 















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